Zizians, the rise of the vegan cult: from philosophy to violence

by Andrea Molle.

The recent arrest of Jack LaSota, known online as “Ziz,” has brought attention to the enigmatic and dangerous group called the Zizians. Once an obscure internet subculture, it has now been thrust into the public eye as authorities uncover disturbing details about the group’s ideology and its links to violent crimes. Under LaSota’s leadership, the Zizians have evolved from a niche philosophical movement into an organized and radicalized network, willing to engage in extreme actions to further its beliefs.

This cult-like organization has been implicated in violent incidents across the United States, including deadly confrontations with law enforcement, targeted attacks, and aggressive protests. Reports suggest that its members adhere to a rigid, almost apocalyptic worldview, combining radical veganism, anarchism, transhumanism, and a deep distrust of established institutions. The group’s activities, from online proselytization to real-world aggression, raise urgent questions about its origins, recruitment methods, and the broader implications of its growing influence. As investigations continue, authorities and analysts face the challenge of dismantling a decentralized movement that thrives on the internet. The Zizians exemplify how ideological extremism, fueled by online radicalization, can spill over into real-world violence, posing a unique and evolving threat to public safety.

The group traces its origins to the San Francisco Bay Area, where in 2016, Jack LaSota began publishing a blog under the pseudonym “Ziz.” Initially, LaSota’s writings attracted a niche audience, particularly within online circles interested in philosophy, artificial intelligence, and radical social theories. Over time, her ideas evolved into a more complex and controversial ideology, drawing in followers and forming the foundation of what is now the Zizian movement. LaSota, a transgender woman, delved into unconventional theories about human consciousness, proposing that the brain’s hemispheres could possess distinct values and even separate gender identities, often existing in internal conflict. She framed this as a fundamental struggle within individuals, one that could be “resolved” through personal transformation and ideological commitment. This perspective resonated with some online communities, but it also fostered a more rigid and dogmatic worldview among her followers.

LaSota’s discourse expanded into political and ethical domains, incorporating radical veganism, anarchism, and extreme opposition to mainstream rationalist communities—particularly those concerned with artificial intelligence and existential risk. She criticized these groups for what she perceived as moral cowardice and an unwillingness to take direct action against perceived threats. This opposition became a defining characteristic of Zizian ideology, shaping the group’s adversarial stance against the rationalist movement and its institutions.

The eclectic mix of beliefs that emerged gave the Zizians a distinct ideological identity. What began as an online intellectual pursuit morphed into an action-oriented movement, increasingly militant in nature. The group’s shift from fringe philosophy to violent action became evident in 2019, marking a turning point in its evolution. That year, LaSota and several associates were arrested during a protest outside a Northern California retreat center hosting a rationalist event. What started as an ideological dispute over artificial intelligence ethics quickly escalated into direct action, characterized by aggressive tactics such as physical confrontations, property damage, and attempts to disrupt the event. This incident signaled a disturbing shift from intellectual critique to militancy, setting the stage for more extreme actions in subsequent years.

By 2020, the Zizians had attracted individuals not only ideologically aligned but also willing to engage in direct, sometimes violent action. In one notable case, a Zizian-affiliated individual was arrested in Portland, Oregon, after setting fire to a research facility linked to AI development. The attack, classified as arson, was framed by the perpetrator as a “preemptive strike” against artificial intelligence systems they believed posed an existential threat to humanity.

In 2021, a coordinated harassment campaign targeted key figures in the rationalist and effective altruism communities. Several prominent researchers received death threats, and at least one rationalist blogger’s home was vandalized with Zizian slogans. While no direct physical violence was involved, the campaign demonstrated the group’s increasing willingness to engage in intimidation tactics.

The escalation continued in 2022, when a group of Zizians staged a break-in at a biotech laboratory in San Diego, allegedly to “liberate” animals used in testing. Security footage showed masked individuals wearing tactical gear, further indicating the group’s militarization. Though no injuries were reported, the break-in resulted in extensive property damage, and several members were arrested.

In 2023, violence took a deadlier turn. A Zizian member was implicated in the attempted murder of a computer scientist in Boston, a researcher advocating AI safety protocols. The suspect, who had posted several online manifestos aligning with LaSota’s theories, was apprehended before the attack could be carried out. However, the incident reinforced concerns that the Zizians were moving beyond property crimes and harassment into targeted physical violence.

These incidents paved the way for outright bloodshed in 2025. In January of that year, U.S. Border Patrol Agent David Maland was fatally shot during a traffic stop in Vermont. The assailants, linked to the Zizians, were found with tactical gear and weaponry, underscoring the group’s operational capabilities and the seriousness of the threat they posed. Another shocking act of violence occurred in Vallejo, California, where landlord Curtis Lind was brutally stabbed. Investigations revealed connections between the suspects and the Zizian network, highlighting the group’s expanding geographic reach and its growing disregard for human life in pursuit of its ideological goals.

The pattern of escalation, from online radicalization to targeted violence, demonstrates the Zizians’ transformation into a dangerous extremist movement. What started as an obscure philosophical discourse has now become an organized threat, with real-world consequences that authorities are struggling to contain.

While the Zizians originated in the United States, their influence now extends beyond American borders. Their activities and network have gained footholds in various European countries, sparking alarm about the group’s global reach and impact. Individuals like German national Felix Bauckholt, implicated in violent activities associated with the Zizians, demonstrate the group’s ability to infiltrate and operate across national borders. Bauckholt’s involvement signals a broader trend of the group’s international appeal or organization, suggesting a transnational network that facilitates coordination and ideologically driven violence.

In Europe, authorities are reporting Zizian-inspired actions in several countries. In the United Kingdom, there have been instances of radicalization tied to the group’s ideology. France, with its history of radical movements, has also seen individuals align themselves with Zizian ideals, heightening concerns about the potential for organized extremist attacks. Furthermore, countries such as Italy and Spain have become critical points for recruitment and logistical support, with their porous borders and diverse political climates making them susceptible to external ideological movements like the Zizians. These nations’ connections may involve financial networks, online propaganda campaigns, and logistical support that enable actions across Europe.

The growing international dimension of Zizian influence raises several critical concerns. Law enforcement and intelligence agencies across Europe are increasingly collaborating to track the group’s activities, share intelligence, and prevent further escalation. The rise of this transnational extremist network highlights the need for enhanced cooperation between nations to counter the threat of globalized radical movements. The Zizians’ ability to inspire or directly coordinate actions beyond the United States underscores the evolving nature of modern extremism and the growing complexity of combating transnational threats.

The Zizians exemplify how online radicalization can give rise to extremist movements in the digital age. Central to their operations was the digital presence of key figures like LaSota, whose online platforms became gathering places for like-minded individuals drawn to the group’s violent ideology. These platforms allowed LaSota and others to disseminate propaganda, ideologically charged materials, and violent rhetoric, creating an echo chamber where extremism could flourish without traditional geographic limitations.

LaSota’s online influence served as a nexus for isolated individuals who, driven by shared grievances or radical ideologies, could find solidarity and reinforcement in each other’s beliefs. This virtual space allowed members of the Zizian network to coordinate actions, share strategies, and mobilize others toward radicalization. Through encrypted communications, private chat rooms, and social media platforms, the Zizians could organize discreetly and spread their messages far beyond what was previously possible.

The reach of online radicalization cannot be overstated. For many, exposure to extremist content online acts as a catalyst for radical thinking, sometimes evolving into violent intentions. The anonymity and unregulated nature of digital platforms, especially on the dark web, facilitate the spread of extremist ideologies while bypassing traditional monitoring and control mechanisms.

This underscores the growing importance of vigilance in monitoring online spaces to prevent the incubation of such dangerous movements. The Zizians’ ability to thrive in these virtual spaces highlights the necessity for law enforcement, social media companies, and governments to collaborate in identifying and neutralizing online radicalization efforts. This requires not only enhanced tracking of extremist content but also a proactive strategy of engagement, where tech platforms are empowered to detect and remove harmful materials before they gain traction.

Moreover, the Zizians’ use of digital tools to recruit, radicalize, and plan violent actions illustrates the urgency of adopting more sophisticated countermeasures in cyberspace. This includes improving online content moderation, fostering digital literacy programs to combat extremism, and raising awareness of the dangers of radicalization. The lessons learned from observing the Zizians and similar groups should drive global efforts to regulate digital platforms and prevent them from becoming breeding grounds for violence, helping to stem the tide of online radicalization before it can manifest in real-world harm.

The emergence of the Zizians, rising from the shadows of obscure online forums to orchestrating real-world acts of violence, serves as a chilling reminder of the potential dangers posed by unchecked extremist ideologies in the digital age. What began as an online fringe movement quickly evolved into a transnational network capable of mobilizing individuals across borders, turning virtual radicalization into tangible, violent actions. This escalation underscores the urgent need to address the broader issue of how extremist ideologies can thrive in the digital realm, often going unnoticed until it’s too late.

The Zizians’ ability to recruit, radicalize, and coordinate violence online highlights significant vulnerabilities in our current systems of monitoring and regulation. It serves as a potent warning that the digital space, with its vast anonymity and global reach, can be harnessed by malicious actors to spread hate and incite violence. Therefore, it is essential for law enforcement and intelligence agencies to increase vigilance, while governments and international organizations implement proactive policies that limit extremist groups’ ability to flourish in these unregulated spaces.

Policymakers must collaborate with tech companies to establish robust frameworks for monitoring online content, while also developing counter-radicalization strategies that are effective and non-invasive. Social media platforms must take greater responsibility in identifying and removing extremist materials before they gain traction. However, these efforts must be balanced with the protection of free speech and individual rights, which presents a complex challenge requiring nuanced solutions.

Furthermore, society at large has a vital role in preventing the radicalization of vulnerable individuals. Educational initiatives that promote digital literacy, critical thinking, and awareness of online extremism are crucial in empowering individuals to recognize and resist harmful ideologies. Community-based efforts to foster inclusion, tolerance, and dialogue can help counteract the divisive rhetoric that fuels radical movements like the Zizians.

Ultimately, the rise of the Zizians serves as a wake-up call, urging us to confront the evolving nature of extremism in the digital era. The collective responsibility of law enforcement, policymakers, tech companies, and the public is essential in ensuring that the digital age does not become a breeding ground for such threats. Only through continued vigilance, cooperation, and innovation can we hope to combat the growing menace of online radicalization and protect society from the devastating consequences of extremist violence.

The Islamic State in Khorasan’s “expansion” towards Europe

by Antonio Giustozzi.

Article published on #ReaCT2024 5th Report on Terrorism and Radicalism (order your copy or download the Report in Pdf).

Abstract

In 2023, Da’esh (ISIS) continued to carry out isolated attacks in Europe, generally with limited organisational support limited. The article notes the increasing effectiveness of European counter-terrorism measures European counterterrorism measures that would likely have made it less convenient for ISIS leaders deploy scarce human resources in such attacks. The author, in his article explores how the Islamic State group seems to favour the preservation of its organisational structures in Europe, delegating action to a few individuals or isolated cells. In addition, the growing involvement of the Khorasan (IS-K) branch of ISIS in planning attacks in Europe or against European targets abroad, as demonstrated by a 2020 plot against NATO bases in Germany. Despite the numerous plots identified in 2023, there is some discretion in attributing these plans exclusively to IS-K, suggesting wider intra-ISIS cooperation. The article notes that, despite appearances, Da’esh Khorasan is not necessarily expanding, but rather taking on new tasks assigned to it by the central leadership, pressed by resource scarcity.

The Islamic State (IS) continued in 2023 to occasionally carry out isolated attacks in Europe, usually with seemingly little organisational backup. As European counter-terrorism has become increasingly effective, the cost effectiveness of committing rare human resources to isolated attacks must have appeared questionable to IS leaders and police sources around Europe tend to think that IS indeed prefers to safeguard whatever organisational structure it still has in Europe, leaving the task of flying the flag to a few isolated individuals or cells. Indeed, as late as early 2022 police sources in Europe did not see an impending IS threat, its presence being limited to online propagandists, recruiters, and fundraisers. Taliban sources confirmed the detention of an IS-K operative in Afghanistan, who had raised thousands of euros in Germany and Spain (Giustozzi, 2022). Taliban intelligence sources also note that that much of IS-K online propaganda is now being produced outside Afghanistan, including Europe. After the fall of Kabul in August 2021, IS-K started releasing a significant portion of this propaganda in English. There might be multiple reasons for this, not all related to Europe. A possible reason that is relevant for European security is the intent to stimulate recruitment in Europe, perhaps in order to replace the loss of many Da’esh media operators due to the police crackdown in recent years. Even when in July 2023 the police detained several IS plotters in Germany and the Netherlands and described them as being “in contact with members” of the IS-K branch, it also noted that they were engaged in fund raising and there was no indication that they were actively preparing a terrorist attack (Stewart ASyI, 2023).

1. IS-K and the Ambition to Strike Europe.

Some observers have however noted a recent trend, concerning the growing organisational involvement of the Khorasan branch (IS-K) in planning attacks in Europe, or against European targets in Turkey. The German authorities alleged in 2020 that the cell behind a plot to attack NATO bases in Germany, thwarted by the police in April 2020, had received the order to act from an IS Khorasan cadre in Afghanistan.[1] This episode, however, was barely noticed and the evidence shared by the German authorities remains fuzzy. What really caught the eyes of many observers was the US intelligence report that turned up among the Discord leaks, showing that as of February 2023 15 different IS-K linked plots to carry out attacks against western interests in Europe, Turkey, the Middle East and elsewhere had been identified by the US military.[2] While these figures seem impressive, they contrast oddly with the fact that in March 2023 the US Central Command assessed was that IS-K was within 6 months of having the capacity to organise attacks against western interests in Asia or Europe. The discrepancy is difficult to explain, unless for the military the 15 plots mentioned above were not to be taken too seriously, or not to be attributed exclusively or even primarily to IS-K. Indeed, Turkish sources describe some of these plots, such as those aimed against Swedish and Dutch consulates on Turkish territory, as involving Central Asians linked to IS-K and members of the Turkish branch of IS. Apart from reportedly issuing the order, IS-K seemingly relied on assets and personnel that were already on location. Indeed, even the leaked US intelligence report itself noted that IS-K “relied on resources from outside Afghanistan”.

2. Afghanistan and the Developed Structure of IS.

In 2023 IS-K sources in Afghanistan confirmed to the author’s research team that the group coordinated operations in Turkey and Europe with other branches of the Islamic State, stressing however that this happened under the leadership of the central leadership of the ‘Caliphate”. This implies at least that IS-K as such was not determining the overall strategy presiding over the planning of these attacks. Sources within IS-K confirmed that Afghanistan hosted several military commissions for neighbouring countries, such as Iran and Central Asia, but did not mention any such entity focusing on Europe, Turkey or the Middle East. Sources contacted by the International Crisis Group in Syria indicated in 2023 that the Central Asians who used to operate under IS in Syria had been transferred under the responsibility of IS-K (International Crisis Group, 2023). According to the IS-K sources, at least initially this was meant to prelude to their transfer to Afghanistan, which however occurred considerably more slowly than planned.

The picture that these sources portray is one of a relatively developed IS-K structure in Turkey and Syria, with 200+ working in the financial hub of IS-K in Turkey, plus 400-500 Central Asians spread between Syria and Turkey, ex members of ISIL who either switched their allegiance or were reassigned to IS-K (the sources are not clear on this point), waiting to be transferred to Khorasan or in any case to be told what to do. In Europe, the presence of IS-K is much more modest, with 60 members. According to the same sources, as of September 2022 there were 30 Europeans belonging to IS-K in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Of these, 16 were from Germany, ten were from France and four from Belgium. There were also four Americans, as well as a few Turks. These individuals with passports from European and North American countries were described as having been evacuated from the Middle East after the collapse of the Caliphate, rather than having been dispatched to IS-K for organising long-range attacks in Europe. While all these numbers cannot be verified, they seem compatible with the information summarised above and provided by Europol, ICG and others.

This picture suggests constant exchanges of members between the IS-K and other IS branches in Turkey, Europe and Syria (which occur incidentally, elsewhere as well), even if the speed and size of these exchanges have been declining over time. There was always considerable integration between IS branches, despite speculation early in the existence of IS-K that it was an opportunistic set up, with little organic relationship with the “Caliphate”. More than of IS-K expanding operations to Europe, therefore, one should speak of intra-IS branches cooperation. Such cooperation seems undoubtedly to have expanded in 2022-23, which begs the question of why this is the case

3. Is IS waiting?

In this regard, it is worth noticing that IS-K is not claiming or advertising its alleged “expansion”. Even when solicited, IS-K sources in Afghanistan have stayed well clear of boasting about such expansion. Quite the contrary, they tend to minimise its importance. This appears odd, given that

1. IS-K has been running a sophisticated media campaign, whose main future is magnifying its limited achievements and making unwarranted claims .

2. It would be committing a considerable portion of its limited resources, if the “expansion” were really such, and

3. Private IS-K social media chatter and interviews with members clearly show that the organisation struggles to explain to its own members and sympathisers why its activities have been so limited during 2023.

Perhaps IS-K might just be waiting to glorify its “expansion” and brand attacks outside the remit of Khorasan province (Afghanistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa of Pakistan, Central Asia, China, Iran) as “made in Afghanistan” until it succeeds in carrying out a successful one. However, IS-K shows no similar shyness in claiming its intent of bringing jihad to China (where despite years of propaganda, it could achieve nothing) or Central Asia, where its achievements have been minimal (firing rockets across the border into Tajikistan and Uzbekistan). If the primary purpose of IS-K were making a claim to having opened new fronts of its own in Europe, Turkey and Middle East, why wouldn’t it adopt tactics similar to those deployed in Khorasan province and carry out random attacks against the softest targets, then produce widely inflated claims of the damage inflicted?

4. The strength of IS.

In sum, the most logical explanation is that the “Caliphate”, which is at its weakest since its inception, has summoned IS-K’s help to reclaim the headlines with some high profile attack against European targets. One possibility is that the “Caliphate” might now be so weak in and around Europe that it simply does not have the strength anymore to systematically intensify operations there. Another possibility is that, in line with what noted at the beginning of this article, the central leadership of IS might have decided to raise its profile through intensified terrorist operations, while at the same time safeguarding its surviving structure in Europe and rely instead on IS-K elements, who are not part of the same structure and do not risk compromising it if caught.

Why IS-K and not other branches of IS? As mentioned above, IS-K has had a significant presence in Turkey for years, with safe houses and networks dedicated to supporting financial operations. This financial hub now struggles to carry out its original task, due to the Turkish authorities strongly increasing their pressure, so its conversion to more operational roles could well have appeared logical. Furthermore, as mentioned, the Central Asians were getting ready to be transferred to Afghanistan, having outlived their usefulness in Syria, where operating underground is much harder for them than for native Syrians or even Iraqis. As only a few tens were able to make the trip each month, those laying idle in Turkey and Syria could conceivably be mobilised for other duties. In short, IS-K happened to be readily available and well placed to provide support to the central leadership, whose Syrian and Iraqi branches have been greatly weakened in recent years. No other branch of IS was in a similar position.

Conclusions.

In conclusion, IS-K is not really “expanding”. The members involved in the planned attacks were already in IS-K, or had been scheduled to be transferred to it (in the case of the Central Asians). What appears to have changed is that IS-K was given additional tasks by a central leadership, which is low on money and human resources and needs to raise its media profile to have a chance of re-emerging from its crisis. This would also explain why IS-K members in Afghanistan and not particularly enthusiastic about this development, which at least in the short term is drawing scarce human resources away from them.

[1] https://ctc.westpoint.edu/the-april-2020-islamic-state-terror-plot-against-u-s-and-nato-military-bases-in-germany-the-tajik-connection

[2] https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/04/22/afghanistan-terrorism-leaked-documents/

Article published on #ReaCT2024 5th Report on Terrorism and Radicalism (order your copy or download the Report in Pdf).

MDHM in the Digital Age: The Dual Role of Artificial Intelligence as Both a Threat and a Solution for Democracy.

by Claudio Bertolotti.

Abstract

The spread of false, misleading, or manipulated information—summarized under the acronym MDHM (misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, and hate speech)—represents one of the most critical challenges of the digital age, with profound consequences for social cohesion, political stability, and global security. This study examines the distinctive characteristics of each phenomenon and their interconnected impact, highlighting how they contribute to the erosion of trust in institutions, social polarization, and political instability. Artificial intelligence emerges as a crucial resource for combating MDHM, offering advanced tools for detecting manipulated content and monitoring disinformation networks. However, the same technology also fuels new threats, such as the creation of deepfakes and the generation of automated content that amplifies the reach and sophistication of disinformation. This paradox underscores the need for the ethical and strategic use of emerging technologies. The study proposes a multidimensional approach to addressing MDHM, structured around three main pillars: critical education, with school programs and public campaigns to enhance media literacy; regulation of digital platforms, aimed at balancing the removal of harmful content with the protection of freedom of expression; and global collaboration, ensuring a coordinated response to a transnational threat. In conclusion, the article emphasizes the importance of concerted efforts among governments, technology companies, and civil society to mitigate the destabilizing effects of MDHM and safeguard democracy, security, and trust in information

The spread of false, misleading, or manipulated information is one of the most complex and dangerous challenges of the digital age, with significant repercussions on social, political, and cultural balance. The phenomena known as misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, and hate speech—collectively summarized under the acronym MDHM—represent distinct yet closely interconnected manifestations of this issue. A thorough understanding of their specificities is essential for developing effective strategies to contain and counter the threats these phenomena pose to social cohesion and institutional stability.

Definitions and Distinctions

Misinformation: False information shared without the intent to cause harm. For example, the unintentional sharing of unverified news on social media.

Disinformation: Information deliberately created to deceive, harm, or manipulate individuals, social groups, organizations, or nations. An example would be the intentional dissemination of false news to influence public opinion or destabilize institutions.

Malinformation: Information based on factual content but used out of context to mislead, cause harm, or manipulate. For instance, the release of personal data with the intent to damage someone’s reputation.

Hate Speech: Expressions that incite hatred against individuals or groups based on characteristics such as race, religion, ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation.

Impact on Society

The spread of misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, and hate speech poses a critical challenge to the stability of modern societies. These phenomena, amplified by the speed and global reach of digital media, have significant consequences that manifest across various social, political, and cultural domains. Among the most notable effects are the erosion of trust in institutions, social polarization, and heightened security threats.

Erosion of Trust

False or manipulated information directly undermines the credibility of public institutions, the media, and even the scientific community. When individuals are inundated with a constant flow of contradictory or blatantly false news, the inevitable result is a widespread crisis of trust. No source is spared from suspicion—not even the most authoritative journalists or the most transparent government bodies. This process weakens the very foundations of society, fostering a climate of uncertainty that, over time, can turn into alienation.

A striking example can be observed in the democratic process, where disinformation strikes with particular intensity. Manipulative campaigns spreading falsehoods about voting procedures or candidates have a devastating effect on electoral integrity. This not only fuels suspicion and distrust in democratic institutions but also creates a sense of disillusionment among citizens, further alienating them from active participation.

The consequences become even more evident in the management of global crises. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the wave of conspiracy theories and the dissemination of unverified remedies significantly hindered public health efforts. Disinformation fueled unfounded fears and skepticism toward vaccines, slowing the global response to the crisis and exacerbating the virus’s spread.

However, this erosion of trust extends beyond the individual level. Its repercussions impact society as a whole, fragmenting it. Social bonds, already weakened by preexisting divisions, become even more vulnerable to manipulation. This creates fertile ground for further conflicts and instability, isolating institutions and increasing the risk of a society unable to respond to collective challenges.

Social Polarization

Disinformation campaigns thrive on exploiting existing societal divisions, amplifying them with the aim of making them insurmountable. These phenomena, driven by targeted strategies and enhanced by digital platforms, intensify social conflict and undermine the possibility of dialogue, paving the way for ever-deepening polarization.

The amplification of divisions is perhaps the most visible result of disinformation. Information manipulation is used to radicalize political, cultural, or religious opinions, constructing narratives of opposition between “us” and “them.” In contexts of ethnic tensions, for example, malinformation—spread with the intent to distort historical events or exploit current political issues—exacerbates perceived differences between social groups. These existing contrasts are magnified until they crystallize into identity conflicts that are difficult to resolve.

Adding to this is the effect of so-called “information bubbles” created by digital platform algorithms. These systems, designed to maximize user engagement, present content that reinforces their preexisting opinions, limiting exposure to alternative perspectives. This phenomenon, known as the “filter bubble,” not only entrenches biases but isolates individuals within a media reality that thrives on continuous confirmation, hindering the understanding of differing viewpoints.

The polarization fueled by MDHM extends beyond ideology. In many cases, the radicalization of opinions translates into concrete actions: protests, clashes between groups, and, in extreme cases, armed conflicts. Civil wars and social crises are often the culmination of a spiral of division originating from divisive narratives disseminated through disinformation and hate speech.

Ultimately, the polarization generated by MDHM not only undermines social dialogue but also erodes the foundations of collective cohesion. In such a context, finding shared solutions to common problems becomes impossible. What remains is a climate of perpetual conflict, where “us versus them” replaces any attempt at collaboration, making society more fragile and vulnerable.

Threat to Security

In conflict contexts, MDHM emerges as a powerful and dangerous weapon, capable of destabilizing societies and institutions with devastating implications for both collective and individual security. Disinformation, coupled with hate speech, fuels a cycle of violence and political instability, threatening peace and compromising human rights. Concrete examples of how these dynamics unfold not only illustrate the severity of the problem but also highlight the urgency for effective responses.

Propaganda and Destabilization.One of the most insidious uses of disinformation is propaganda and destabilization. States and non-state actors exploit these practices as tools of hybrid warfare, aimed at undermining the morale of opposing populations and fomenting internal divisions. In recent geopolitical scenarios, the spread of false information has generated confusion and panic, slowing institutional response capabilities. This planned and systematic strategy goes beyond disorienting public opinion; it strikes at the very heart of social cohesion.

Hate Speech as a Precursor to Violence.Hate speech, amplified by digital platforms, often serves as a precursor to mass violence. A tragic example is the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar, preceded by an online hate campaign that progressively dehumanized this ethnic minority, laying the groundwork for persecution and massacres. These episodes demonstrate how entrenched hate speech can translate into systematic violent actions, with irreparable consequences for the communities involved.

Individual Impacts.On an individual level, the effects of MDHM are deeply destructive. Phenomena such as doxxing—the public release of personal information with malicious intent—directly endanger the physical and psychological safety of victims. This type of attack not only exposes individuals to threats and assaults but also amplifies a sense of vulnerability that extends far beyond the incident itself, undermining trust in the system as a whole.

The cumulative impact of these dynamics undermines overall social stability, creating deep fractures that demand immediate and coordinated responses. Addressing MDHM is not merely a matter of defending against disinformation but an essential step in preserving peace, protecting human rights, and ensuring global security in an increasingly interconnected and vulnerable world.

Mitigation Strategies

Combating the MDHM phenomenon requires a comprehensive and coordinated response capable of addressing its multifaceted nature. Given the complex and devastating impact these phenomena have on society, mitigation strategies must be developed with a multidimensional approach, combining education, collaboration among various stakeholders, and an appropriate regulatory framework.

Education and Awareness

The first and most effective line of defense against MDHM lies in education and the promotion of widespread media literacy. In a global context where information circulates at unprecedented speeds and often without adequate oversight, the ability of citizens to identify and critically analyze the content they consume becomes an essential skill. Only through increased awareness can the negative effects of disinformation be curbed and a more resilient society built.

Critical thinking is the foundation of this strategy. Citizens must be empowered to distinguish reliable information from false or manipulated content. This process requires the adoption of educational tools that teach how to verify sources, identify signs of manipulation, and analyze the context of news. This effort goes beyond simple training: it is about fostering a culture of verification and constructive skepticism—essential elements in countering informational manipulation.

Schools play a crucial role in this battle. They must become the primary setting for teaching media literacy, preparing new generations to navigate the complex digital landscape conscientiously. Integrating these teachings into educational curricula is no longer optional but essential. Through practical workshops, real-case analysis, and simulations, young people can develop the skills needed to recognize manipulated content and understand the implications of spreading false information.

However, education must not be limited to young people. Adults, who are often more exposed and vulnerable to disinformation, must also be engaged through public awareness campaigns. These initiatives, delivered through both traditional and digital media, should highlight the most common techniques used to spread false content and emphasize the societal consequences of these phenomena. An informed citizen, aware of the risks and able to recognize them, becomes a powerful asset in the fight against disinformation.

Investing in education and awareness is not just a preventive measure but a cornerstone in combating MDHM. A population equipped with critical tools is less susceptible to manipulation, thereby helping to strengthen social cohesion and the stability of democratic institutions. This path, though requiring constant and coordinated effort, represents one of the most effective responses to one of the most insidious threats of our time.

Cross-Sector Collaboration

The complexity of the MDHM phenomenon is such that no single actor can effectively address it alone. It is a global challenge requiring a collective and coordinated response in which governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), tech companies, and civil society collaborate to develop shared strategies. Only through synergistic efforts can the destabilizing effects of this threat be mitigated.

Government institutions must take a leading role. Governments are tasked with creating effective regulations and safe environments for the exchange of information, ensuring that these measures balance two fundamental aspects: combating harmful content and protecting freedom of expression. Excessive control risks veering into censorship, undermining the democratic principles being safeguarded. The approach must be transparent, targeted, and adaptable to the evolution of technologies and disinformation dynamics.

Tech companies, particularly social media platforms, play a central role in this challenge. They bear significant responsibility in countering MDHM, as they are the primary channels through which these dynamics propagate. They must invest in developing advanced algorithms capable of identifying and removing harmful content promptly and effectively. However, the effectiveness of interventions must not come at the expense of users’ freedom of expression. Transparency in moderation criteria, data management, and reporting mechanisms is essential to maintain user trust and prevent abuse.

Alongside these actors, NGOs and civil society serve as intermediaries. NGOs can act as a bridge between institutions and citizens by providing verified and reliable information, monitoring disinformation phenomena, and promoting awareness initiatives. These organizations also have the capacity to operate locally, better understanding the specific dynamics of certain communities and tailoring counter-strategies to their needs.

Lastly, fostering public-private partnerships is essential. Collaboration between the public and private sectors is crucial for sharing resources, knowledge, and technological tools to combat MDHM. Companies can offer innovative solutions, while governments can provide the regulatory framework and support needed to implement them. This synergy allows disinformation to be addressed with a broader and more integrated approach, combining technical expertise with monitoring and intervention capabilities.

The response to MDHM cannot be fragmented or limited to a single sector. Only through cross-sectoral and global collaboration can the consequences of these phenomena be mitigated, protecting institutions, citizens, and society as a whole.

Role of Advanced Technologies and Artificial Intelligence (AI) in the Context of MDHM

Emerging technologies, particularly artificial intelligence (AI), play a crucial role in the context of misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, and hate speech. AI represents a double-edged sword: on one hand, it offers powerful tools to identify and combat the spread of harmful content; on the other, it fuels new threats, making disinformation tools more sophisticated and harder to detect.

Automatic Detection

Artificial intelligence has revolutionized the way we address disinformation, introducing advanced detection systems capable of quickly identifying false or harmful content. In a digital landscape where the volume of data generated daily is immense, human monitoring alone is no longer sufficient. AI-powered tools are therefore essential for managing this complexity, providing timely and precise responses.

Among the most significant innovations are machine learning algorithms, which form the core of automatic detection systems. These algorithms use machine learning techniques to analyze vast amounts of data, looking for patterns that indicate the presence of manipulated or false content. Trained on datasets containing examples of previously identified disinformation, these systems can recognize common features such as sensationalist headlines, emotionally charged language, or altered images. The effectiveness of these tools lies in their ability to adapt to new manipulation patterns, continually improving their performance.

Another critical area is source verification. AI-based tools can compare online information with reliable sources, identifying discrepancies and facilitating the work of fact-checkers. This accelerates verification processes, enabling more efficient counteraction against false content before it reaches a wide audience.

AI is also pivotal in tackling one of the most sophisticated threats: deepfakes, which will be discussed further below. Using advanced techniques, AI can analyze manipulated videos and images, detecting anomalies in facial movements, lip synchronization, or overall visual quality. Companies like Adobe and Microsoft are developing tools dedicated to verifying the authenticity of visual content, providing a concrete response to a technology easily exploited for malicious purposes.

Monitoring hate speech is another area where AI proves valuable. Through natural language processing (NLP) algorithms, texts can be analyzed in real time to identify expressions of hate speech. These systems not only categorize content but also prioritize interventions, ensuring rapid and effective responses to the most severe cases. In a context where hate speech can quickly escalate into real-world violence, the ability to intervene promptly is crucial.

Lastly, AI can detect and analyze disinformation networks. By examining social interactions, AI can identify patterns suggesting coordinated campaigns, such as the simultaneous dissemination of similar messages by linked accounts. This functionality is particularly useful for exposing orchestrated operations, whether political or social, aimed at destabilizing public trust or manipulating opinions.

In summary, artificial intelligence is an indispensable tool for addressing disinformation and hate speech. However, like any technology, it requires ethical and responsible use. Only through transparent and targeted implementation can the full potential of AI be harnessed to protect the integrity of information and social cohesion.

Content Generation

While artificial intelligence is a valuable resource for countering disinformation, it also contributes to making the MDHM phenomenon even more dangerous by providing tools for creating false and manipulated content with unprecedented levels of sophistication. This dual nature makes AI both a powerful and insidious technology.

A prime example is the aforementioned deepfakes, generated using technologies based on generative adversarial networks (GANs). These tools enable the creation of highly realistic videos and images in which individuals appear to say or do things that never occurred. Deepfakes severely undermine trust in visual information, which was once considered tangible evidence of reality. Their use extends beyond trust issues: they can be deployed for defamation campaigns, public opinion manipulation, or destabilization in already fragile political contexts. The ability to create alternative visual realities poses a direct threat to the credibility of visual sources and social cohesion.

Similarly, automatically generated texts from advanced language models, such as GPT, have opened new frontiers in disinformation. These systems can produce articles, comments, and social media posts that appear entirely authentic, making it extremely difficult to distinguish machine-generated content from that created by real individuals. Unsurprisingly, these tools are already being used to power botnets—automated networks that spread polarizing or entirely false narratives, often aiming to manipulate opinions and fuel social conflicts.

Another crucial aspect is the scalability of disinformation. AI-driven automation allows for the creation and dissemination of false content on a massive scale, exponentially amplifying its impact. For instance, a single malicious actor can use these tools to generate thousands of variations of a false message, further complicating detection efforts. In mere moments, manipulated content can be disseminated globally, reaching millions of people before any intervention is possible.

Finally, AI provides tools for content obfuscation, making manipulated messages even harder to detect. Advanced algorithms can make minor but strategic modifications to texts or images, bypassing traditional monitoring systems. This adaptability poses an ongoing challenge for developers of countermeasures, who must continually update their tools to keep pace with new manipulation techniques.

In conclusion, artificial intelligence, with its ability to generate highly sophisticated content, represents a double-edged sword in the MDHM landscape. Without proper regulation and ethical use, it risks accelerating the spread of disinformation, further eroding public trust in information and destabilizing society. Addressing this threat requires awareness and appropriate tools, combining technological innovation with ethical principles to limit the effects of this dangerous evolution.

Challenges and Opportunities

The use of artificial intelligence in the fight against MDHM represents one of the most promising yet complex frontiers of the digital era. While AI offers extraordinary opportunities to counter the spread of harmful information, it also presents significant challenges, underscoring the need for an ethical and strategic approach.

Opportunities Offered by AI

Among its most relevant advantages is AI’s ability to analyze data in real time. This capability makes it possible to anticipate disinformation campaigns by identifying signals before they spread on a large scale. Such proactive measures can reduce the impact of these phenomena by enabling timely interventions to mitigate damage.

Another key advantage is the use of advanced tools to certify the authenticity of content. Technologies developed by leading organizations allow verification of the origin and integrity of digital data, restoring trust among users. In a context where visual and textual manipulation is increasingly sophisticated, these solutions serve as an essential bulwark against informational chaos.

AI also streamlines fact-checking activities. Automating verification processes reduces the workload on human operators, accelerating responses to the spread of false content. This not only enhances efficiency but also allows human resources to focus on particularly complex or sensitive cases.

Challenges of AI in Combating MDHM

However, the same technologies that offer these opportunities can also be exploited for malicious purposes. Tools designed to combat disinformation can be manipulated to increase the sophistication of attacks, creating content that is even harder to detect. This paradox highlights the importance of rigorous oversight and responsible use of these technologies.

The difficulty in distinguishing between authentic and manipulated content is another critical challenge. As disinformation techniques evolve, algorithms must be continuously updated to remain effective. This requires not only technological investments but also ongoing collaboration among experts from various fields.

Finally, the inherent biases in AI models cannot be overlooked. Poorly designed algorithms or those trained on unrepresentative datasets risk removing legitimate content or failing to detect certain forms of disinformation. Such errors not only compromise the effectiveness of operations but can also undermine trust in the system itself.

Conclusions

Artificial intelligence is a strategic resource in the fight against misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, and hate speech, but it also presents a complex challenge. Its ambivalence as both a defensive and offensive tool demands conscious and responsible use. On one hand, it offers innovative solutions to detect and counter manipulated content; on the other, it enables the creation of increasingly sophisticated disinformation, amplifying risks to social and institutional stability.

MDHM (Misinformation, Disinformation, Hate Speech, and Malinformation) is not an isolated or temporary phenomenon but a systemic threat undermining the foundations of social cohesion and global security. Its proliferation fuels a vicious cycle where the erosion of trust, social polarization, and security threats reinforce each other. When disinformation contaminates the flow of information, trust in institutions, the media, and even science crumbles. This phenomenon not only fosters alienation and uncertainty but also diminishes citizens’ ability to actively participate in democratic life.

Social polarization, amplified by information manipulation, is a direct consequence of this dynamic. Divisive narratives and polarizing content, driven by algorithms prioritizing engagement over accuracy, fragment the social fabric and make dialogue impossible. In a “us versus them” climate, political, cultural, and ethnic divisions become insurmountable barriers.

From a security perspective, MDHM represents a global threat. Disinformation campaigns orchestrated by states or non-state actors destabilize entire regions, incite violence, and fuel armed conflicts. The use of hate speech as a dehumanizing tool has demonstrated its destructive potential in various contexts, contributing to a climate of collective and individual vulnerability.

Addressing this challenge requires an integrated approach that combines education, regulation, and global cooperation.

Promoting critical education: Media literacy must be a priority. Educating citizens to recognize and counter disinformation is the first step toward building a resilient society. Educational programs and awareness campaigns should equip people with the tools needed to navigate the complex informational landscape.

Strengthening the regulation of digital platforms: Technology companies can no longer remain passive observers. Clear and transparent standards for managing harmful content are essential, while also ensuring respect for freedom of expression. Independent oversight can ensure a balance between security and fundamental rights.

Encouraging global collaboration: The transnational nature of MDHM requires a coordinated response. Governments, private companies, and international organizations must work together to share resources, develop innovative technologies, and combat disinformation campaigns on a global scale.

Only through concerted action can the devastating effects of MDHM be mitigated, paving the way for a more resilient and informed society. The future of democracy, social cohesion, and security depends on our collective ability to face this threat with determination, foresight, and responsibility.

The new Syria: between the Islamist threat, Israel’s preventive response, and the Turkish ‘buffer zone’.

by Claudio Bertolotti.

The recent conquest of Damascus by the jihadist leader Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, head of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), marks a turning point in the political-military balance of the Middle East. After thirteen years of civil war against Bashar al-Assad’s regime, Syria now finds itself in the most critical phase of its contemporary history: the rise to power of the Islamists led by al-Jolani, previously affiliated with al-Qaeda, sets the country on the path to becoming an “Islamic State” destined to reshape regional dynamics. Once again, the jihadist factor emerges as a destabilizing element with potentially global repercussions.

The Israeli occupation of the Golan: a preventive and strategic maneuver
The Islamist advance in Syria, and the consequent loss of centralized control from Damascus, create a power vacuum in which radical groups and external actors seeking geostrategic advantages can proliferate. Israel’s action—specifically, the consolidation of its occupation of the Golan Heights—must be understood in this context. It is not yet another expansionist incursion, but a defensive and preventive maneuver. On the one hand, Tel Aviv aims to prevent jihadist forces from settling along its northern border, directly threatening its security. On the other, Israel’s military presence in the area also serves to protect UN peacekeeping forces, who might otherwise be exposed to attacks by radical groups in the absence of a reliable central authority in Damascus.

The preventive strike against strategic and chemical arsenals
The lessons learned in Afghanistan and Iraq—where conventional and unconventional arsenals fell into the hands of extremist groups—have made it clear that rapid, surgical interventions are necessary. Israel’s preventive strike on Syrian strategic weapons depots, including those suspected of containing chemical agents, seeks to prevent these tools from ending up with jihadists. This is not merely an Israeli interest: if radical groups were to gain access to chemical weapons, the entire region and even the West could suffer the consequences. As highlighted by the latest analyses from the Institute for the Study of War (Iran Update, December 11, 2024), non-state actors’ control of Syrian arsenals opens the door to extremely high-risk scenarios. Israel thus acts with strategic intelligence aimed at preventing future large-scale terrorist attacks.

The Israeli move and the Turkish choice: two sides of the same coin
Israel’s policy in the Golan cannot be viewed in isolation: it is consistent with Turkey’s strategic logic of threat containment through its occupation of parts of northern Syrian territory. Ankara, as demonstrated in the past, intends to maintain a “buffer zone” between the areas under its control and regions inhabited by Syrian Kurds, regarded as a threat due to their connection with the PKK in Turkey. This action not only limits the movement of Kurdish militias, but also serves a dual purpose: curbing Kurdish power and preventing the establishment of Islamist groups hostile to Turkey. Israel’s advance on the Golan and Turkey’s buffer zone are, in different ways, two examples of preventive containment of the jihadist threat.

The rise of Islamists in Syria: the rights dilemma and the Taliban parallel
The Islamist takeover led by al-Jolani and his men cannot be viewed favorably. The reassuring statements regarding minorities, women, and the Christian community sound like mere rhetoric. The history of jihadist movements is well known: the strict application of sharia, the lack of respect for religious and cultural differences, and the elimination of any pluralistic space. As previously seen in Taliban-led Afghanistan, the establishment of an Islamic State under the leadership of recycled ex-al-Qaeda members turned local political force will merely institutionalize a repressive regime contrary to fundamental human rights principles.

The terrorist threat extends to the West
The Islamist victory in Syria, as was the case with the Taliban’s return to Kabul in 2021, will act as a catalyst for international terrorism. Recent reports show that every advancement of jihadist ideology is accompanied by an increase in attacks and violent propaganda, prompting radicalized or sympathetic individuals to carry out copycat acts in the West. As highlighted by recent analyses in international media (see the 5th Report on Radicalization and Counter-Terrorism #ReaCT2024 and Il Giornale), HTS’s success in Syria increases the risk that Europe will become the target of new attacks, inspired or orchestrated by individuals who draw fresh momentum and symbolic legitimacy from al-Jolani’s “victory.” The jihadist media dimension is such that controlling territory—and proclaiming an Islamic State—becomes a powerful message directed at potential supporters and recruits.

Perspectives and conclusions
Al-Jolani’s new Syria is no less dangerous than Assad’s regime. On the contrary, the open adherence to fundamentalist principles, the impending power struggles between Islamist and jihadist groups competing—primarily with the Islamic State—the influence of radical groups, and the absence of an international guarantee system make the situation more unpredictable. Israel’s move in the Golan and Turkey’s strategy in the north reflect a understandable, though partial, response to these threats. The West cannot afford to fall under the illusion of a “pragmatic” al-Jolani: the Islamist and jihadist nature of the new leadership is a fact. Added to this are the risks associated with the availability of strategic and chemical weapons, making the Israeli and Turkish interest in creating buffer zones and conducting preemptive strikes on arsenals tragically sensible. In this scenario—akin to Taliban-ruled Afghanistan—Syria could become an attractive hub for a jihadism now in search of legitimacy and symbolic victories, with direct consequences for Europe as well.

The Fall of Damascus and the Crumbling of the Iranian Resistance Axis.

by Claudio Bertolotti.

Bashar al-Assad’s Syria no longer exists.

Syria, a land with a millennia-old history, is currently undergoing a moment of epochal and unforeseen upheaval. After nearly fourteen years of a bloody conflict—one woven through with international and regional interests—the longstanding dominance of the Assad family, unbroken for over half a century, now appears to be nearing its end. Bashar al Assad, who succeeded his father Hafez in 2000, is currently portrayed as a leader on the run, while the Islamist insurgents, advancing from both the north and the south, are ominously pressing at the gates of Damascus.

International reports, including those cited by outlets such as MSN and NPR, depict a scenario of rapid disintegration of the regime’s political and military apparatus. The lightning advance of the Islamist formations led by HTS (Hayat Tahrir al-Sham), under the leadership of Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, began roughly ten days ago in Idlib near the Turkish border and has shattered what were once considered unassailable fortifications. Aleppo, Hama, and Homs—long regarded as regime strongholds and pillars of the “Resistance Axis,” an alliance uniting Syria, Iran, affiliated armed groups, and Russia—have fallen. The apparent withdrawal of Russian support has further accelerated the collapse of a system built on authoritarian control and external backing.

Meanwhile, rumors abound about Assad’s fate. Some sources already claim he is in exile, with Tehran as a potential safe haven. In the United States, speculation suggests he is no longer in the Syrian capital, and there is even talk of his possible presence in Moscow or Doha. The presidential office attempts to deny such claims, insisting that the raìs remains in Damascus, but trust in these assertions appears to have waned drastically.

As Lorenzo Trombette (ANSA) reports, Doha has become the stage for high-level diplomatic consultations. While the foreign ministers of Russia, Iran, and Turkey confer in Qatar, a Western “quartet”—the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and Germany—has met with European Union representatives and UN Special Envoy Geir Pedersen. From these meetings has emerged the intent to initiate, as early as next week in Geneva, a post-Assad political transition process. This path aims to involve figures from the Assad system who have not been directly implicated in the regime’s worst atrocities, along with some representatives of armed opposition groups, in order to prevent new bloodshed and forestall institutional collapse. The goal is to preserve the Syrian state—distinguished from the disintegrating regime—and offer the population a prospect of stability.

The prospective, albeit indirect, inclusion of figures linked to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in the Geneva talks signals an unprecedented flexibility. Although HTS has been labeled a terrorist organization by various Western powers, its mediated involvement through lesser groups associated with it appears to be a compromise aimed at forging a negotiating framework that could lead to a lasting agreement.

The sudden downfall of Assad is accompanied by the fragmentation of the Resistance Axis. Iran, a longtime supporter of the Damascus government, may now opt for a more cautious stance, focusing on its strategic interests along the coast and in territories home to ancient Shiite-Alawite clans historically loyal to the Assad family. Russia, preoccupied on multiple international fronts, seems less inclined to maintain its support, paving the way for a more uncertain scenario.

As the Islamist insurgents reach the outskirts of Damascus, the imminent collapse of the regime throws open the doors of symbolic places of repression: the notorious prisons of Adra and Saydnaya. Within these facilities, thousands of dissidents, activists, and political opponents have been detained and disappeared over the decades. Their fate, long shrouded in silence, may now be revealed, potentially marking one of the first symbolic steps of a new chapter in Syrian history.

The entire Middle East is feeling the repercussions of this upheaval. Assad’s fall affects not only Syria’s borders but also has implications for Lebanon, Iraq, and even relations between Israel and Iran. In a context where sectarian, ethnic, and political tensions have never been fully resolved, the region will be forced to reassess its balance of power. The international community, through its gatherings from Doha to Geneva, must now tackle a crucial challenge: managing a transfer of power that, from a secular dictatorial regime, may yield to an Islamist surge capable of reigniting jihadist violence.

In short, Syria risks becoming another Afghanistan: similar dynamics, worrisome prospects linked to international jihadism that, originating in Syria, could threaten the region and the West. What is even more concerning is the role Turkey might play, having supported the regime’s downfall through direct assistance to the Islamists of HTS—an organization whose roots trace back to al-Qaida and ISIS—and how it may now seek to leverage its influence in the Middle East and North Africa.

Syria. Al-Jolani’s Advance on Damascus: A New Front of Unease for Iran, Russia, and Israel.

by Claudio Bertolotti.

From the interview by Francesco De Leo on Radio Radicale – Spazio Transnazionale (episode of December 7, 2024).

Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, born Ahmed Al Sharaa, is the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an armed group active in the Syrian civil war and still designated by the United States as a terrorist organization. Originally affiliated with Al Qaeda and known as the head of Jabhat Al Nusra, Jolani started out as a radical jihadist sent to Syria in 2011 with funding and support from Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi—who would later become the world’s most wanted terrorist—to establish Al Qaeda’s Syrian branch.

Over the years, he has transformed both his image and his strategy. At first, he announced a formal break from Al Qaeda, then focused primarily on toppling Bashar al-Assad’s regime and controlling key areas such as Idlib Province. This “break” was widely viewed as a tactical move aimed at avoiding direct international attacks against transnational jihadist formations.

At the same time, Jolani also changed his appearance and public rhetoric. He traded in his camouflage fatigues for a blazer and Western-style shirt, presenting himself as a moderate Syrian revolutionary fighting the Damascus regime rather than waging a global war against the West. In recent interviews, he has minimized references to global jihad, instead emphasizing Syria’s “liberation” and the role of HTS as a local force committed to ensuring security and governance for millions of people living under its control.

Despite this rebranding strategy and his attempt to appear as a more pragmatic interlocutor, Jolani remains an extremely controversial figure, undoubtedly tied to insurgent jihadism and one of its foremost leaders today. He has a past deeply rooted in international jihadist networks and currently leads an organization still considered terrorist by Washington. His trajectory is that of a leader seeking to distance himself from transnational extremism in order to gain local and possibly international legitimacy, positioning himself as a revolutionary political actor rather than a jihadist leader.

The Situation on the Ground
Syrian rebels are advancing toward Damascus with Turkish support and are besieging Homs, a strategic hub en route to the Mediterranean and a regime stronghold.
While Russia, Turkey, and Iran are set to meet in Doha to negotiate a possible political transition excluding Assad, on the ground pro-Iranian forces seem to be retreating, and Russia appears weakened and no longer proactive, as the UN reports a massive wave of displaced people.
Rebel leader al-Jolani claims the right to use any means against the regime but promises not to persecute minorities. We shall see.
Meanwhile, a pleased Erdogan openly announces Damascus as his next objective, while Iran, Syria, and Iraq declare their unity against “terrorism.”
In the country’s south, anti-government groups are moving north, easily taking positions abandoned by fleeing loyalists, and the Druze communities of Suwayda are creating a semi-autonomous region.
Meanwhile, Lebanon is closing its borders for fear of the conflict spilling over, and clashes continue between pro-Turkish forces and Kurdish militias.

Concerns for Iran and Israel
It is certain that, given the current situation, this is a problem for Iran, as well as for Russia, and also for Israel: all are watching developments with deep concern. For Moscow, it’s a major issue related to maintaining its naval mobility in the Mediterranean. For Tehran, it’s a question of the overall stability of the “Axis of Resistance” since the fall of Syria could block the vital link with Lebanon, and therefore with Hezbollah. Perhaps the Doha agreements aim to find a mediated solution that would allow Iran to maintain control over a strip of Syrian territory essential for connecting with Hezbollah.

What about Israel? Israel is very worried because the presence of a weak Syrian regime is, for it, the best-case scenario; the fall of Syria under Islamist control could open a new front of additional instability along its borders. Not to mention that “al-Jolani” takes his name from the Golan, currently occupied by Israel, and he has always held openly anti-Western and anti-Israeli positions.

Young and emancipated extremism

by Chiara Sulmoni, President, START InSight

This article was originally published in #ReaCT2024 – Report on Terrorism and Radicalisation in Europe (ed. START InSight)
DOWNLOAD IT HERE FOR FREE IN ENGLISH AND ITALIAN

Abstract
Over the course of 2023 and 2024, several European countries grew increasingly concerned about the involvement of teenagers and minors in terror-related crimes and extremist activities. If, on the one hand, attacks are still largely carried out by men just under the age of 30, on the other, online radicalization is having an unprecedented impact on kids; as such, it represents a demanding challenge for law enforcement and professionals working in the field of prevention.
Keywords
Radicalization, Terrorism

On the evening of Saturday, 2nd March, 2024, in a central district of Zürich, a fifteen-year-old Swiss boy of Tunisian origin seriously stabs an Orthodox Jew walking nearby. In the hours following the attack, a pre-recorded video message emerges online, in which the boy, who calls himself a “soldier of the Caliphate” and swears allegiance to the Islamic State, declares that he acted in response to the latter’s appeal to target “the Jews and Christians and their criminal allies”, and he in turn incites others to take the initiative (1).

This event took place within a global context which has been marked by a significant increase in anti-Semitism following Hamas’ brutal terrorist attack on 7th October, 2023 to which Israel responded by putting Gaza to fire and sword. The tragic loss of civilian lives has fuelled jihadi and extremist narratives more in general, as well as igniting an intense social polarization of the kind we see play out, often violently, in the streets, on university campuses and the internet; a climate with a strong potential for radicalization and mobilization, accentuated by intense misinformation, to which children under the age of 15 are also subjected (2).

The Swiss Confederation – that was already hit by two jihadist stabbing attacks back in 2020 in Morges and Lugano, where an adult man and woman respectively, lashed out at randomly chosen victims – is suddenly confronted with a trend which characterized the universe of violent extremism and radicalization in Europe for some years now: that is, individuals involved in these phenomena keep getting younger and younger.

In 2021, British statistics already highlighted a significant increase in the arrests of children under the age of 18 on suspicion of terrorism-related crimes, with a prevalence of far-right ideology (3). Percentages continued to rise till they reached their highest peak so far in 2023 when, out of the total number of people who were detained, almost 19% concerned teenagers under the age of 17 (4).

Boys’ and girls’ attraction to jihadism is consistent with the events that unfolded around the middle of the past decade, at the height of ISIS’ territorial expansion; at that time too, the Old Continent saw numerous teenagers buy into the Islamic State’s plans and narrative, setting out on a journey to Syria and Iraq; like British teenager Shamima Begum, who left London in 2015, at the age of 15, with two friends, and who’s currently stuck in a detention camp in Syria, where the families of ex-combatants are held. Her case became emblematic and controversial following the authorities’ decision to deprive her of British citizenship -which made her stateless- despite arguments that she might be a victim of indoctrination and perhaps even trafficking (5).

Very young people committed acts of jihadist violence after ISIS, as of 2014, started encouraging those who could not make it to the Middle East, to rise up in their respective countries and with all means available; which would also usher in the so-called “lone wolves” season -a somewhat misleading definition, considering the contacts and networks that regularly pop up in investigations-. This strategic move by the Caliphate permanently changed the terrorists’ modus operandi, enhancing the autonomy of individuals and allowing the Islamic State, when confronted with operational difficulties, to continue projecting an image of strength by claiming ‘successful’ actions carried out by its own sym-pathizers.

A study of Islamist attacks which occurred in Europe between 2014 and 2017 shows that teenagers and children were involved in just under a quarter of jihadist events, both successful and foiled; the phenomenon mainly affected France, Germany and the United King-dom (6).

An event similar to the one which happened in Zürich had previously taken place in Marseille in 2016, when a 15-year-old of Kurdish origin attacked a Jewish teacher near the school where he taught.

More recent cases were the brutal killing, in November 2020, on the outskirts of Paris, of Prof. Samuel Paty by an 18-year-old Russian of Chechen origin (the attack followed a violent Islamist social media campaign which had been unleashed against the teacher over the previous days) or again, the stabbing of a high school teacher in Arras, in October 2023, by a 20-year-old radicalized youth from Ingushetia. After this latest attack, French anti-terrorism prosecutor Jean-François Ricard stated that over three years (in other words, since 2020) a growing propensity, on the part of youth, for planning violent action had been noted (7).

It should be underlined that successful attacks largely remain a prerogative of adults; START InSight’s database, which traces the profiles of jihadists who spring to action, indicates that the median age of those who have struck Europe over the past nine years (2014-2023) is 26: a figure that varies over time – from 24 years of age in 2016, to 30 in 2019) – and which appears slightly on the rise in 2023, settling at 28.5 years of age.

Figure 1 age of jihadist attackers in Europe, 2014-2023 (START InSight’s database)

More generally, we can see that 7% of terrorists were under the age of 19 (with signs of a progressive decrease in minors!); 38% were between 19 and 26 years of age; 41.5% between 27 and 35 years of age and, finally, 13.5% were over 35.

A previous study by the University of Applied Sciences of Zürich (ZHAW, 2019), based on the available information pertaining to 130 different jihadist cases which had been dealt with by the Federal Intelligence Service over the previous ten years, indicated that individuals whose radicalisation process started under the age of 20 represented 18%, while for minors this figure dropped to 6% (8), hinting at the time at a somewhat ‘marginal’ problem.

However, in the Canton of Vaud, where a prevention programme has been in place since 2018, over 40% of the cases the authorities dealt with involve minors (9). Moreover, Christian Dussey, the head of Swiss Intelligence, recently declared that the jihadist radicalization of minors today affects the Confederation in (even) greater proportions than other European states (10). Shortly after the attack in Zürich, six other boys between the ages of 15 and 18 were arrested in the French-speaking and German-speaking regions of Switzerland; they were in contact with peers in Germany, France and Belgium and some among them apparently intended to carry out attacks, in Switzerland as well. According to reports, over the first 9 months of 2024, Swiss Police had to intervene in 11 cases of young people who were radicalised; an 11-year-old boy was also arrested (11). Terrorism expert Peter Neumann pointed out that overall, in Europe, since October 2023, two-thirds of all arrests involved children between the ages of 13 and 19 (12).

In England and Wales, from April 2022 to March 2023, over 60% of the cases referred to the Prevent programme – which requires professionals in the public sector, especially schools, to report suspected radicalisation of all kinds – concerned individuals aged 20 and below; 31% did not reach the age of 14. But while most of the cases did not require to be further supported through the programme – almost half of the most serious ones involved children between the ages of 11 and 15 (13).

“Childhood Innocence? Mapping Trends in Teenage Terror-ism Offenders” is a comprehensive study published by the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation (ICSR, King’s College London, 2023), which examines the activities of 43 juveniles convicted of terrorism-related offences across all ideologies in England and Wales since 2016 (14); its authors warn against underestimating the role of children; although no child managed to commit an attack in the period under their consideration, and despite the fact that the most common crime consisted in possession of extremist material, this research indicates that almost a third of the children were convicted of preparing acts of terrorism and that kids can act as “amplifiers” and “innovators”. Minors can create and disseminate their own propaganda, recruit others and plan attacks. Factors related to age, such as naivety or lack of experience and organizational skills likely played a role in disrupting their projects.

This resourcefulness on the part of youngsters characterised the extremist landscape in recent years: in 2020, it was brought to light that the Feuerkrieg Division, a far-right online group with terrorist intents and members in various countries, from the United States to Lithuania, was headed by a 13-year-old Estonian (he was 11, at the time of its foundation in 2018). Several teenagers within the group were actively planning attacks (15).

In March 2024 in Liverpool, a 20-year-old left-wing anarchist was sentenced to 13 years in prison; among other things, he planned to kill 50 people and dedicated a weapons and bomb making manual to “misfits, social nobodies, anarchists, [and] terrorists past and future, who want to fight for freedom against the government” (16).

The emancipation of extremism
A number of studies and investigations have analysed how groups, movements and individuals -especially jihadists or those belonging to the vast galaxy of the far-right- have been capable of seizing and exploiting the opportunities progressively offered by the Internet and the evolving technologies, in order to forward their ideologies, approach potential recruits and sympathizers, disseminate magazines and practical guides for aspiring attackers, as well as adapting and diversifying their communication also according to gender. This includes the use of AI to quickly process propaganda images and videos with a strong and ‘immediate’ aesthetic and emotional impact, that only a decade ago would have required the meticulous contribution of a team while today it can rely on the work of a single person (17).

Over time, the ways of producing, consuming and sharing propaganda, as well as the identities of those involved in these activities, have substantially changed.

The advent of social media around the mid-2000s, in particular, made access to and spread of extremist material easy and fast; people can establish long-distance relationships and consistently interact, to the point that, researcher Jacob Ware writes in his essay on this topic, “the radicalization process now infiltrated every aspect of a subject’s life, and a radicalizer could project influence into a living room or bedroom” (18).

Ware explains that we are today facing the third generation of online (social media) radicalization, when individuals do not merely act autonomously, but they promote themselves and their own actions.

Terrorist groups (those with a solid internal hierarchy) have become less relevant, while ideologies are more fluid. In #ReaCT2022, media scholar Michael Krona, referring to the jihadist context, had already spoken of online supporters who seem less inclined to tie themselves to a single organization, and who rather ” promote wider ideological interpretations and build their own brand, rather than strictly enhancing the brand of IS.” (19).

Today, the production of extremist propaganda and narrative – and incitement to action too – are no longer a prerogative of terrorist movements’ media arms, but an operation which sees the contribution of a large base of followers and militants in contact with each other. A ‘grid’ that can extend from one continent to the other.
A 2022 joint international investigation by journalists who infiltrated an online network of neo-Nazi teenagers points out how the advantage of this network -but the same observation could apply to others as well- lies in its loose, mobile structure, which hinges on the participation of individuals scattered around the world: “all they need is a computer, a mobile phone and a bedroom. And all they have in common is their ideology and their hatred: towards Jews, political figures, journalists” (20).

The image of teenagers radicalising in the privacy of their bedrooms seems recurring; yet the latter can today be considered more of a control room than a shelter where vulnerable and isolated boys (or girls) fall prey to ill-intentioned recruiters. The aforementioned British study on juveniles convicted of terrorism underlines the need to overcome the stereotype which sees children as mere “pawns” in the hands of adults; when active within an extremist online context which thrives on anonymity, the “weight” and effect of, by instance, their actions and posts, is identical to that of all the other users.

These online ‘fighters’, who are now mainly digital natives, show a strong potential in ensuring the constant promotion of extremist ideas – a pro-ISIS media campaign specifically urges these “one-person armies” and “Internet mujahideen” not to give up. (21). The ability to selectively use different social media and encrypted messaging apps to communicate, exchange information, encourage each other, discuss violence, attacks and targets, and to migrate from platform to platform with a view to escaping the axe of big tech and joint police operations aimed at ridding the Internet of terrorist content, make them an asset difficult to counter.

In brief, the current era is characterized by an ’emancipated’, widespread and decentralised type of extremism, which is based on ‘free initiative’; within this ecosystem, “everyone can be replaced”(22) and all attackers can turn into a source of inspiration for others; whether it’s Brenton Tarrant, a right-wing extremist who, in 2019, at the age of 28, attacked two mosques killing over 50 people in Christchurch, New Zealand; whether it’s Elliott Rodger who, in 2014, at the age of 22, committed a misogynistic massacre in California and is now celebrated by violent incels; or again, whether it’s the 15-year-old Swiss perpetrator of the Zürich attack, whose gesture is praised by IS’ acolytes. A few days after the event, researchers from the Counter Extremism Project spotted half a dozen Tik-Tok profiles celebrating the Swiss jihadist (23).

The radicalisation of violence
When defining the current context in which teenage extremism occurs, analysts and media have sometimes resorted to the expression ‘TikTok-jihad’ or ‘TikTok terrorism’. Indeed, social media, gaming platforms and encrypted chats are now thought to represent the main tools of radicalisation. They should not, however, be simply viewed as communication ‘channels’ that can get a message across to potential new supporters. Rather, they should be acknowledged as ‘spaces’ where interaction, socialisation and engagement take place; these terms and concepts are vital when trying to understand a ‘world’ that does not merely consist in a galaxy of violent politico-religious ideologies but is also inhabited by sub-cultures which youth helped expand (like the incel movement, or the Siege culture). In other words, this environment consists in communities with their own values, behavioural norms, linguistic and aesthetic codes; and for teens, who might be struggling to find their own identity and place in the world, or might harbour feelings of rebellion, or might be weighed down by personal vulnerabilities that can result from family conflicts, bullying or racism, such sense of belonging plays an important role.

Over the past few years researchers and intelligence professionals have been drawing attention to the fact that psychological problems and commitment to violence tend to precede ideology on the path to extremism; appetite for power in social relationships, a desire for revenge, or to take centre stage, vent personal frus-trations (24), are all considered strong enough motivations in contributing to youth radicalisation, a process that sees personal grievances overlap with socio-political battles. All these aspects combined with algorithms that reward provocative content and the trivialization of hatred, help lowering the threshold for accessing extremism.

In this complex and ever-evolving scenario, assessing risks associated to radicalized individuals in the real world can be particularly difficult, especially if they are minors, and despite the awareness that radicalisation consists in a personal and reversible path that does not necessarily lead to terrorism (25).

Notes
1) In Video Uploaded To Internet, Teenage Stabber Of Jew In Zü-rich Swears Allegiance To Islamic State (ISIS), Calls On Mus-lims To Target Jews And Christians Everywhere, MEMRI, Spe-cial Dispatch No. 11166, 4 March 2024 https://www.memri.org/reports/video-uploaded-internet-teenage-stabber-jew-z%C3%BCrich-swears-allegiance-islamic-state-isis
2) Symonds, T., Gaza war creating a radicalisation moment, senior UK police officer says, BBC News , 19th January 2024 https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-68035172
3) Counter- Terrorism Policing, Upward trend in children arrest-ed for terrorism offences, News, 9th June 2022 https://www.counterterrorism.police.uk/upward-trend-in-children-arrested-for-terrorism-offences/
4) Counter-Terrorism Policing, Number of young people arrested for terrorism offences hits record high, News, 15th March 2024 https://www.counterterrorism.police.uk/number-of-young-people-arrested-for-terrorism-offences-hits-record-high/
5) Sabbagh, D., Shamima Begum a victim of trafficking when she left Britain for Syria, court told, The Guardian, 24th October 2023 https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/oct/24/shamima-begum-victim-of-trafficking-when-she-left-uk-for-syria-court-told
6) Simcox, R., European Islamist Plots and Attacks Since 2014 — and How the U.S. Can Help Prevent Them, The Heritage Foundation, Backgrounder No. 3236, 1st August 2017 ; see also: Bourebka, M., Overlooked and underrated? The role of youth and women in preventing violent extremism, CIDOB, Notes internationals, 240, 11/2020: “In the European con-text, as of 2016, the fastest-growing age group amongst the radical-ised individuals in Europe was 12- to 17-year-olds”
7) de la Ruffie, E., Attentat: des mineurs radicalisés, « un phéno-mène nouveau » et « inquiétant », selon le procureur anti-terroriste, Le Journal du Dimanche, November 7, 2023 https://www.lejdd.fr/societe/attentat-des-mineurs-radicalises-un-phenomene-nouveau-et-inquietant-selon-le-procureur-antiterroriste-139493
8) Sulmoni, C., Radicalizzazione jihadista e prevenzione. Aggiornamenti dalla Svizzera, START InSight https://www.startinsight.eu/tag/zhaw/
9) How the Islamic State group is courting minors on video game platforms, RTS, 27 May 2024 https://www.rts.ch/info/suisse/2024/article/comment-le-groupe-etat-islamique-courtise-les-mineurs-sur-les-plateformes-de-jeux-video-28516132.html
10) Rhyn, L., and Knellwolf, T., «Die Schweiz hat überdurchschnittlich viele Fälle radikalisierter Jugendlicher», Tages-Anzeiger, 22 August 2024 https://www.tagesanzeiger.ch-geheimdienst-chef-sieht-sicherheit-der-schweiz-in-gefahr-665955949850
11) Minorenni radicalizzati, ma non per forza terroristi, SEIDI-SERA, RSI, September 6, 2024 https://www.rsi.ch/info/ticino-grigioni-e-insubria/%E2%80%9CMinorenni-radicalizzati-ma-non-per-forza-terroristi%E2%80%9D–2246363.html
12) Ernst, A., Terrorismus in Europa: «Es gibt genügend Hinweise, dass sich etwas Grösseres ankündigt»“, NZZ, 23 August 2024 https://www.nzz.ch/international/terrorismus-in-europa-die-tik-tok-generation-peter-r-neumann-ld.1844746
13) Individuals referred to and supported through the Prevent Pro-gramme, April 2022 to March 2023. Home Office Official Statistics, 14th December 2023 https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/individuals-referred-to-prevent/individuals-referred-to-and-supported-through-the-prevent-programme-april-2022-to-march-2023#demographic
14) Rose, H., and Vale, G., Childhood Innocence? Mapping Trends in Teenage Terrorism Offenders, ICSR, London, 2023
15) Nabert, A., Brause, C., Bender, B., Robins-Early, N., Death Weapons, Inside a Teenage Terrorist Network, Politico, 27th July 2022 https://www.politico.eu/article/inside-teenage-terrorist-network-europe-death-weapons/
16) Gardham, D., Jacob Graham: Left-wing anarchist jailed for 13 years over terror offences after declaring he wanted to kill at least 50 people, Sky News, 19th March 2024 https://news.sky.com/story/jacob-graham-left-wing-anarchist-jailed-for-13-years-over-terror-offences-after-declaring-he-wanted-to-kill-at-least-50-people-13097584
17) Katz, R., SITE Special Report: Extremist Movements are Thriving as AI Tech Proliferates, SITE Intelligence Group, 16th May 2024 https://ent.siteintelgroup.com/Articles-and-Analysis/extremist-movements-are-thriving-as-ai-tech-proliferates.html
18) Ware, J., The Third Generation of Online Radicalization, Program on Extremism, George Washington University, 16th June 2023 https://extremism.gwu.edu/third-generation-online-radicalization
19) Krona, M., Online jihadist communities build their brands and expand the terrorist universe by creating new entities, Re-aCT2022, Report on Terrorism and Radicalism in Europe, N.3, Year 3, ed. START InSight (Lugano) https://www.startinsight.eu/react2022-n-3-anno-3/
20) Nabert, A., Brause, C., Bender, B., Robins-Early, N., Death Weapons, Inside a Teenage Terrorist Network, Politico, 27th July 2022 https://www.politico.eu/article/inside-teenage-terrorist-network-europe-death-weapons/
21) Pro-Islamic State (ISIS) Social Media Campaign Calling For ‘Media Jihad’ Expands To TikTok, Jihad and Terrorism Threat Monitor, MEMRI, 22nd June 2023 https://www.memri.org/jttm/pro-islamic-state-isis-social-media-campaign-calling-media-jihad-expands-tiktok
22) See: Death Weapons
23) Extremist Content Online: Pro-ISIS TikTok Users Celebrate Accused Attacker In Zurich Stabbing, Counter Extremism Pro-ject, 11 March 2024 https://www.counterextremism.com/press/extremist-content-online-pro-isis-tiktok-users-celebrate-accused-attacker-zurich-stabbing
24) “IS recruitment is not portrayed as violent enlistment for a political-religious cause but as a platform for venting frustrations with parents, teachers and society. It offers an outlet for their mundane lives and a chance at dubious “15 minutes of fame”, in: Av-rahami, Z., TikTok jihad: Online radicalization threat looms over Europe, Ynetnews.com, 10th August 2024 https://www.ynetnews.com/article/rjgiduh9c
25) Minorenni radicalizzati, ma non per forza terroristi, cit.

Chiara Sulmoni, BA, MA, Presidente e Coordinatrice editoriale di START InSight, Lugano, (Svizzera), ha conseguito un BA e un MA in Italian Studies c/o UCL (University College London) e un MA in Near and Middle Eastern Studies c/o SOAS (School of Oriental and African Studies, London). Giornalista e producer, ha lavorato alla realizzazione di documentari e reportage per la radio / TV in particolare su temi legati al mondo arabo e islamico, Afghanistan e Pakistan, conflitti, radicalizzazione di matrice islamista. Dal 17 aprile 2019, è Co-Direttore di ReaCT – Osservatorio nazionale sul Radicalismo e il Contrasto al Terrorismo (Roma-Milano-Lugano).

Jihadist Terrorism in Europe and Mediterranean Dynamics: Historical, Social, and Operational Evolution in an Era of Global Changes

by Claudio Bertolotti, Director, START InSight, ReaCT

Download here #ReaCT2024 The annual Report on Terrorism and Radicalisation in Europe

Abstract
This article investigates terrorism beyond its traditional definitions; it examines its evolution within the geographical borders of Europe, it emphasizes its historical roots, individual and collective motivations, and operational adaptation, sharing the reasons why a revision of the very definition of terrorism is now necessary, and why it ought to be understood as an effect of violence, rather than an act which is merely organized for political ends. Analyzing the data provided by START InSight’s database, the article focuses on EU countries which are constantly affected by the trajectories of jihadism and the consequent challenges for collective security, while contributing to the academic debate with a multidimensional perspective on terrorism which considers its historical, socio-political and cultural aspects.

Keywords
Jihadism, Functional blockade, Terrorism

1. Terrorism as a political and social phenomenon which evolves over time in response to the changing dynamics of competition between individuals, groups, and states.
Contemporary terrorism, deeply rooted in a complex historical evolution, represents a widespread ideological threat. The threat of jihadist terrorism is particularly significant today and is linked to the historical, conflictual dynamics of international relations and competition in the Middle East and Africa, and to the violence stemming from a radical interpretation of Islam. This conflictual dynamic is increasingly associated with groups’ and individuals’ search for identity through the cultural opposition of a significant segment of second and third-generation immi-grants from the Maghreb living in Europe. We are discussing a fragmented jihadist galaxy characterized by various ideologies and practical approaches, prompting a reconsideration of the concept of contemporary terrorism, which emerges as a social phenomenon distinct from previous forms of terrorism.

This necessary reflection invites us to consider a paradigm shift in the very definition of terrorism, no longer to be understood as an action aimed at achieving political results through violence, hence in its intentions. Instead, terrorism should be seen as the effect of applied violence: it is terrorism, insofar it is a manifestation of violence, without an organization behind it. It is terrorism due to the manifestation, not organization.

Within the same jihadist galaxy, terrorism imposes itself as an instrument of struggle, resistance, and domination, employing various degrees and models of violence: from individual acts to organized, inspired, and insurgent terrorism, of the kind we became acquainted with in Afghanistan and Iraq, and that we now observe in its early manifestations in the Gaza Strip, where the Israel Defense Forces are engaging Hamas (Bertolotti, 2024).

The Afghan experience, which the author of this article has thoroughly studied for many years, combined with the wave of violence following Hamas’s call for strikes against Israel and its allies, has played a decisive role in the resurgence of inspired and emulative terrorism globally. The latter, on the one hand, is based on the victorious experience of the Taliban against the West; on the other, on the anger channeled through Hamas’s communication strategy, which finds resonance in some ideologized Western minorities, conflating Hamas’s violent and terrorist agenda with the legitimate Palestinian cause. Events in international relations are exploited by jihadist rhetoric to demonstrate the righteousness and validity of jihad, and thus of terrorism as a tool of struggle, victory, and justice.

Today, after and alongside Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Gaza Strip, the it’s conflict dynamics in the Middle East and Hamas’s media-amplified terrorism that play this role of ideological and mass involvement drive. This results in emulative forms of violence, which terrorism against Israel has partly provoked and could increasingly provoke in Europe, as well as in North African countries, sub-Saharan Africa, and the Sahel.

2. Trends and Dynamics: Numbers Decline, but the Threat of Terrorism Persists – An Analysis of Attacks from 2014 to 2023
Looking at the past five years, the incidence of jihadist terrorist attacks shows a linear trend from a quantitative perspective, with a noticeable decrease in recent years, returning to pre-Isis/Islamic State levels. From 2019 to 2024, 92 attacks (12 in 2023 and 2024 – situation at 20.09.2024), both successful and unsuccessful, were recorded in the European Union, the United Kingdom, and Switzerland: 99 attacks were recorded in the previous period 2014-2018 (12 in 2015).

In the wake of major terrorist events in Europe in the name of the Islamic State group, and subsequently likely related to galvanizing elements following the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan and the call from Hamas, 206 actions in the name of jihad were recorded from 2014 to 2024, of which 70 were explicitly claimed by the Islamic State: 249 terrorists participated (including 7 women, 73 died in action), 446 victims were killed, and 2,558 were injured (START InSight database).

Both in 2023 and 2024, 12 jihadist actions were recorded, a slight decrease compared to the 18 annual attacks recorded in 2022 and 2021, but with a significant increase in “emulative” actions, inspired by other attacks which took place over the previous days, which raised the figure to the high levels of previous years: from 17% of total emulative actions in 2022 to 58% in 2023 (56% in 2021). 2023 also confirmed an established trend in the phenomenon’s evolution, with an almost exclusive predominance of individual, unorganized actions, generally improvised, progressively replacing structured and coordinated actions characterizing the European urban “battlefield” of 2015-2017 (totality of actions in 2023 and 97% of actions recorded the previous year).

*Data from START InSight’s database of jihadist events in Europe*

Knives and blades
Terrorists are increasingly using knives for a variety of reasons related to practical, ideological, and strategic factors:

Ease of access: Knives are readily available and do not require advanced technical skills to use. Unlike firearms or explosives, which may require logistics or technical knowledge, knives are common in every household or store.
Discretion: A knife can be carried easily without raising suspicion, unlike more conspicuous or dangerous weapons. This allows the attacker to approach victims or locations without being noticed immediately.
Terror effect: Knife attacks, often conducted in public or crowded spaces, have a strong psychological impact on the population. The close and brutal nature of a knife attack amplifies fear among those present and in the media, creating a significant symbolic effect.
Individual attacks: In recent years, many terrorist organizations have encouraged individual or “lone wolf” attacks. Knife attacks are ideal for this type of action, as they require minimal planning and can be carried out by a single person without the need for a complex organizational network.
Weapon control: In many countries, firearm laws are very strict, making it difficult to obtain guns or rifles. Knives, on the other hand, are less regulated and can be legally purchased almost anywhere.
Inspiration model: Successful knife attacks, like those in various European cities in recent years, have inspired other extremists to replicate this type of action, following the narrative that it is an effective and relatively simple means of spreading terror.
In summary, the growing use of knives by terrorists is linked to their accessibility, ease of use, discretion, and effectiveness in creating panic and fear among the population (Molle, 2024).

3. Profiles of “European” Terrorists
Jihadist terrorism is predominantly a male phenomenon: out of 295 attackers, 97% are male (10 women); contrary to 2020, when 3 female attackers participated in terrorist actions, the 2021-2023 triennium saw no direct participation from them. Identified terrorists (men and women) whose demographic data were disclosed have a median age of 26 years: a figure that varies over time (from 24 in 2016 to 30 in 2019), recording an increase in age in the last analyzed period, delivering a figure of 28.5 years in 2023. The study of the profile of 200 individuals about whom there’s sufficient demographic information draws a very interesting picture: 7% of terrorists are under 19 years old (with a reduction in minors over time), 38% are between 19 and 26, 41.5% are between 27 and 35, and 13.5% are over 35and 13.5% are over 35. These data confirm an in-creasing relevance over time, of the 19-35 age group, with a reduction in minors involved in terrorist attacks over the same period.

93% of the individuals who carried out a terrorist attacks, for whom we have complete information, were “immigrants” (first, second, and third generation), both regular and irregular. 45% of the 155 terrorists, out of a total of 237, who were analyzed in START InSight’s database are first-generation regular immigrants; 28% are descendants of immigrants (second or third generation); irregular immigrants are 26%: a figure which has grown over time, from 25% in 2020, to 50% in 2021, to 67% in 2023, indicating a significant change in the nature of terrorists, with an increasing presence of first-generation attackers (overall 71% of total terrorists). Significant is also the figure related to 7% of European-origin citizens converted to Islam (a slight decline compared to the average of previous years). Overall, 73% of terrorists are legally resident in Europe, while the role of irregular immigrants emerges with a ratio of about 1 in 4 terrorists (the ratio was 1:6 until 2020). In 4% of events, there were children/minors (7) among the attackers, a figure which has decreased.

Ethno-national Dimension of Terrorists in Europe
The phenomenon of jihadist radicalization in Europe affects some specific national and ethnic groups more significantly than others. There is a clear proportional relationship between the main groups of immigrants and terrorists, highlighted by the nationality of terrorists or their families of origin, which reflects the size of foreign communities in Europe. In particular, the Maghreb origin prevails: the ethno-national groups mainly affected by jihadist adherence are Moroccan (especially in France, Belgium, Spain, and Italy) and Algerian (in France). The phenomenon of radicalization has been particularly evident in Belgium and France, where large Moroccan and Algerian-origin communities have seen a significant number of young people join jihadist groups. In France, for example, a significant portion of terrorists involved in recent attacks came from families of Algerian and Moroccan origin, reflecting the historical presence and size of these communities in the country (Bertolotti, 2023).

Recidivists and Terrorists Already Known to Intelligence
The role of recidivists (re-offenders) has grown over time. These are individuals already convicted of terrorism who have committed violent actions at the end of their prison sentence and, in some cases, even within prison facilities. This trend shows a 3% recidivism rate among terrorists who struck in 2018 (1 case), 7% (2) in 2019, 27% (6) in 2020, and 25% (3) in 2023. This situation confirms the social danger of individuals who, although incarcerated, delay the implementation of terrorist actions. This phenomenon suggests an increased likelihood of terrorist attacks in the coming years, parallel to the release of many detainees for terrorism-related offenses.

START InSight highlighted a significant trend regarding terrorist actions carried out by individuals already known to law enforcement or European intelligence. In 2021, such cases represented 44% of the total, while in 2020, they were 54%. This is a significant increase compared to the 10% recorded in 2019 and the 17% of 2018. In 2023 this figure grew to 75%, supporting the concerns of institutions tasked with countering violent phenomena.

Individuals with previous detentions (even for non-terrorism-related offenses) in 2021 confirmed a certain stability in participation in terrorist actions by individuals with a prison record, with a figure of 23% in 2021, slightly down from the previous year (33% in 2020) but in line with 2019 (23% in 2019, 28% in 2018, and 12% in 2017); which seems to confirm that, despite a significantly lower figure in 2023 (8%), prison spaces can be identified as potential radicalization hubs.

4. What is the real destructive capacity of terrorism?
To understand terrorism comprehensively, one must analyze it on three distinct levels: the strategic, the operational and the tactical. Strategy involves the use of resources to achieve long-term war goals. Tactics focus on deploying forces in combat to secure specific victories in battles. The operational level bridges the two, coordinating tactical actions to meet strategic objectives. This synthesis, at its core, highlights the importance of human resources in conducting military actions.

Strategic Success Is Marginal
Strategic success in terrorist actions, defined as achieving significant structural impacts like national and international air/rail traffic disruptions, military mobilizations, or broad legislative interventions, has decreased from 16% to 13%. This is still considered high given the limited organizational and financial efforts by terrorist groups or individuals. Over the years, strategic success rates have shown a declining trend, highlighting a gradual reduction in capacity and effectiveness: 75% in 2014, 42% in 2015, 17% in 2016, 28% in 2017, 4% in 2018, 5% in 2019, 12% in 2020, and 6% in 2021. Since 2022, strategic success has not been achieved by terrorist attacks; effectively confirming an ongoing process of normalizing terrorism.

Media Attention is Decreasing
Media attention towards terrorist attacks is decreasing. Strategically, attacks received international media coverage in 75% of the cases and 95% nationally. Operations by commando and team-raid units received full media coverage. This media success significantly influenced the recruitment campaign of aspiring martyrs or jihadist fighters, peaking during periods of high-intensity terrorist actions (2016-2017). However, the effects of media coverage on recruitment efforts diminishes over time due to two main reasons: firstly, a prevalence of low-intensity actions compared to high-intensity ones, which have decreased, while low and medium-intensity actions have significantly increased from 2017 to 2021, with a notable rise in medium-intensity actions in 2023. Secondly, the public has become gradually less emotionally sensitive to terrorism, particularly low and medium-intensity events.

Despite concerns, Tactical Level Concerns but Is Not a Priority for Terrorism
Assuming the goal of actions is to cause the enemy’s death (with security forces as targets in 35% of cases), this was achieved on average in 50% of the cases between 2004 and 2023. However, the long timeframe significantly impacts the margin of error. An analysis of the 2014-2023 period, shows a worsening trend in the terrorists’ desired effects, with a prevalence of low-intensity attacks and an increase in failed actions, at least until 2022, when tactical success stabilized at 33%, which is consistent with 2016 data. 2023 is an outlier.
Data from the last six years show that in 2016, tactical success was achieved in 31% of cases, with 6% failed acts. In 2017, success rose to 40%, with a 20% failure rate. In 2018, success dropped to 33%, while failed attacks doubled to 42%. In 2019, success further fell to 25%, then rose to 33% in 2020-2022. This trend, interpreted as a dual effect of reduced terrorist operational capacity and increased European security responsiveness, shows a 2023 rate of 50% actions achieving tactical success, i.e., causing at least one fatality.

Operational Success: The “Functional Blockade”
Even when a terrorist attack fails, it produces significant results: it heavily engages armed forces and police, distracting them from routine activities or preventing them from intervening for public welfare. It can also disrupt or overload healthcare services, limit, slow down, divert, or stop urban, air, and naval mobility, and hinder the regular conduct of daily, commercial, and professional activities, harming affected communities. This effectively reduces technological advantages, operational potential, and resilience capacity. Overall, it inflicts direct and indirect damage, regardless of causing fatalities. Limiting citizens’ freedom is a measurable result of these actions. Essentially, terrorism’s success, even without causing fatalities, lies in imposing economic and social costs on society and influencing behaviours over time in terms of security measures or restrictions imposed by political and public safety authorities. This phenomenon is known as a “functional blockade.” Despite the increasingly reduced operational capacity of terrorism, the “functional blockade” remains one of the most important results achieved by terrorists, regardless of tacti-cal success (killing at least one target). From 2004 to the present, terrorism has proven effective in achieving the a “functional blockade” in 80% of cases, peaking at 92% in 2020 and 89% in 2021. This impressive result, obtained with limited resources, confirms the advantageous cost-benefit ratio in favour of terrorism, despite a progressive loss of capacity that saw the “functional blockade” drop to 78% in 2022 and 67% in 2023.

5. Recruitment Capacity and Operational Strategies
The Islamic State, having lost its territory in Syria and Iraq (2013-2017), can no longer send its terrorists to Europe due to the loss of direct external operational projection capacity. However, the group has not lost its power of attraction, which demonstrates its ability to develop indirect recruitment, based on the “posthumous” recognition of individuals who successfully carry out individual terrorist actions. For these reasons, the threat remains significant, thanks to the presence and actions of lone actors, often improvised and driven by emulation, without direct links to the organization.

While the Islamic State continues to impose itself ideologically as the main jihadist threat, particularly exploiting the territorial control and financial resources of its Afghan franchise, the Islamic State Khorasan, it is evident that it cannot replicate the overwhelming appeal of the “caliphate” in 2014-2017. The novelty advantage and consequent appeal, particularly towards the youth, have diminished. Additionally, the European Union has significantly reduced its vulnerabilities legislatively and operationally, with more emphasis on counterterrorism than preventive action.

Concerns persist regarding emulative effects and the “call to arms” related to international events that can induce individuals to act in the name of jihad. The most significant event in 2021, which continues to fuel transnational jihad, was the Taliban’s victory in Afghanistan. This victory fed diverse jihadist propaganda with the message that “victory is the result of continuous struggle” and created competition among jihadi groups engaged in exclusively local struggles and those like the Islamic State, which promote jihad as a relentless global struggle. This competitive dynamic includes actions associated with the Israel-Hamas war and the jihadist call to violence, where Islamic State followers and Hamas supporters have vied for battlefield successes and consequent media attention.

In this continually evolving scenario, attention must be paid to jihadist strength in the African continent, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, Rwanda, and Mozambique, in order to counter the emergence of new “caliphates” or “wilayats” that could directly threaten Europe. In prolific jihadist propaganda, the Islamic State boasts of its spread in Africa, in a competitive / collaborative relationship with its Afghan franchise. It highlights how the aim of combating the presence and spread of Christianity will lead to the group’s expansion in other areas of the continent. In places like the Ma-ghreb, the Mashreq, and Afghanistan, the Islamic State’s activity focuses on intra-Muslim sectarian struggle. In Africa, its presence has become part of a Muslim-Christian conflict, strengthened by propaganda centred on stopping Muslims from converting to Christianity through the work of “missionaries” and the pretext of humanitarian aid. Violence, kidnappings, and the kill-ing of missionary clergy, attacks on NGOs and international missions from Burkina Faso to the Congo, as well as attacks on Christian communities, are all part and parcel of this context.

From North Africa to the Sahel: A Look at “Mediterranean” Terrorism
Looking at North Africa, the region continues to face threats from groups affiliated with al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), the Islamic State, and foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) who have travelled to Iraq or Syria. The unnoticed return of these fighters to their home countries following the Islamic State’s territorial defeat poses additional security challenges. In recent years, lone actors and small cells have carried out a series of deadly attacks in various North African states, proving difficult to detect. The Sahel is becoming a new center of jihadist terrorism, with a significant increase in victims in 2023. However, the MENA region (Middle East and North Africa) has seen a 42% decrease in victims over the past three years. North Africa, in particular, is witnessing a steady reduction in extremist violence, with the number of violent attacks returning to pre-IS levels. In 2022, North Africa saw a 14-fold decrease in victims com-pared to 2015, with Morocco being the safest country in the region, while Egypt remains one of the most affected by terrorism. Libya, Algeria, and Tunisia fall between these extremes with medium to low terrorism impact.

The Sahel and the Maghreb are politically, economically, and security-wise connected. The presence of terrorist groups exploiting ethnic tensions, climate challenges, and lack of public services has turned this region into a hub of jihadist activity, with the risk of spreading the terrorist threat to other areas.

Instability in the Sahel has already affected West Africa and the coastal countries of the Gulf of Guinea, where al-Qaeda-affiliated groups are active. This situation could also involve North Africa, jeopardizing the progress made in prevention, counterterrorism, and deradicalization in some countries of the region.

Considering that North African countries are both emigration and transit countries for migratory flows to Europe, this raises the question of possible jihadist contamination or transfer. Monitoring the evolution of a phenomenon in the process of consolidation, which finds its lifeblood in the Mediterranean area, is therefore paramount.

Claudio Bertolotti, ISPI, START InSight’s Director and Director of the Observatory on Radicalization and Counter-Terrorism (ReaCT). Claudio Bertolotti holds a Ph.D. and serves as the Executive Director of START InSight. From 2014 to 2023, he was a senior researcher with the “5+5 Defense Initiative.” He graduated in Contemporary History, specialized in Sociology of Islam, and earned a doctorate in Sociology and Political Science, focusing on International Relations. His work focuses on crisis areas, national strategic interests, national security, the Mediterranean, intercultural dialogue, and, in particular, Islamic radicalism, terrorism, jihadism, and migration flows. Since April 17, 2019, he has been the Executive Director of ReaCT – National Observatory on Radicalism and Counter-Terrorism (Rome-Milan-Lugano). Since September 30, 2021, he has been a member of the Committee on Human and Civil Rights at the Regional Council of Piedmont. He is the author of several works, including Gaza Underground: The Underground and Urban Warfare between Israel and Hamas. History, Strategies, Tactics, Cognitive Warfare, and Artificial Intelligence (START InSight, 2024), Immigration and Terrorism (START InSight, 2020), Contemporary Afghanistan. Inside the Longest War (CASD, 2019), and Shahid: Analysis of Suicide Terrorism in Afghanistan (FrancoAngeli, 2010). Corresponding with the Author: claudio.bertolotti@startinsight.eu.

Bibliography
Bertolotti, C. (2024), Gaza Underground: la guerra sotterranea e urbana tra Israele e Hamas. Storia, strategie, tattiche, guerra cognitiva e intelligenza artificiale, START InSight ed., Lugano.
Bertolotti, C. (2023), Unraveling the Evolution of Terrorism in Europe: Left-Wing, Far-Right, Anarchist, and Individual Terrorism, and the Role of Immigrants in Jihadist Terrorism within the European Union (Correlation and Regression Analysis), pp. 77-87, in #ReaCT2023, 4th Report on Counter-Terrorism and Radicalization in Europe, START InSight ed., Lugano, ISBN 978-88-322-94-18-7, ISSN 2813-1037 (print), ISSN 2813-1045 (online)

Weaponizing Chaos: Exploring Militant Accelerationism from the Far-Left to the Far-Right

By Andrea Molle, Associate Professor, Chapman University

Abstract
Militant accelerationism is defined by the Accelerationism Research Consortium as a set of strategies aimed at exacerbating social divisions to hasten the collapse of society, often through violent means. This phenomenon is not confined to a single poli-tical ideology, being present in both the far-right and far-left, though manifesting in different forms. Far-right accelerationism primarily opposes equality, viewing it as a threat to the natural social order, and seeks to precipitate the collapse of liberal de-mocracies through polarization and political violence. From a geopolitical perspective, nations like Russia and China might support such movements to destabilize the West and undermine the legitimacy of the liberal democratic model, thereby reinfor-cing their authoritarian positions. On the other hand, far-left accelerationism originates from Marxism, aiming to accelerate the downfall of capitalism to trigger a proletarian revolution. These dynamics represent a growing threat to international security, as they exploit internal tensions and social divisions to promote global instability.

Keywords
Accelerationism, Far-left, Far-right, Manosphere, Radicalization, Societal collapse

Introduction

The Accelerationism Research Consortium, a research initiative specializing in the study of militant accelerationism, defines it as a collection of tactics and strategies aimed at intensifying latent social divisions, often through violent means, in order to expedite the collapse of society. Accelerationism does not necessarily align with a specific political ideology and can be observed on both the extreme left and extreme right of the political spectrum. However, there are distinctions between the two.

For instance, far-right militant accelerationism does not concern itself with critiquing modern capitalism or postcolonialism, but rather focuses on countering the contemporary pursuit of equality, which is perceived as a manifestation of societal decay and a threat to the established social order based on inequality, which is considered the “natural order.” In order to safeguard or reinstate this “natural order,” far-right militant accelerationism seeks to create circumstances that would lead to the downfall of the existing liberal and democratic system, such as through a “race war” or a civil war. Militant accelerationism functions as a platform for political action with the objective of hastening the downfall of liberal and capitalist societies. Its core strategy involves disseminating contradictory and problematic political ideologies through various means, such as promoting polarization or engaging in political violence. This form of terrorism aims to create social emergencies and crises, ultimately incapacitating and dismantling social institutions.

From an International Relations and Security Studies perspective it is noticeable that this goal aligns with the objectives of hostile nations. Russia and China, for example, may support militant accelerationism regardless of its political ideology alignment in the West for several strategic reasons. Firstly, fostering chaos and division within Western nations serves to undermine their stability and global influence, thereby potentially strengthening the position of Russia and China on the world stage. By exacerbating existing societal tensions and polarizations, these countries can create distrac-tions for Western governments, diverting their attention and resources away from global issues such as Ukraine or Taiwan. Secondly, supporting accelerationist groups aligns with Russia and China’s broader objectives of challenging the Western liberal democratic model. By promoting extremist ideologies that reject democratic norms and institutions, such as militant accelerationism, these countries seek to delegitimize Western values and weaken the appeal of democracy as a political system globally. This tactic can help bolster the perceived legitimacy of authoritarian regimes like those in Russia and China, presenting them as stable alternatives to Western democracies. Moreover, fostering internal strife in Western countries can serve as a form of retaliation or deterrence against perceived Western interference in the domestic affairs of Russia and China. By supporting militant accelerationism, these countries can retaliate against Western sanctions, criticisms of human rights abuses, or support for opposition movements within Russia and China. Additionally, by highlighting the internal divisions and societal unrest in Western nations, Russia and China can dissuade Western governments from intervening in their domestic affairs or pursuing aggressive foreign policies against them.

1. Far-left militant accelerationism
Accelerationism, as a concept, originated from Marxism and the belief that by intensifying the detrimental forces within capitalism, its eventual destruction and subsequent liberation through revolution can be achieved. Left-wing terrorism involves the use or threat of violence by subnational or non-state entities that oppose capitalism, imperialism, and colonialism. They may also advocate for environmental or animal rights, hold pro-communist or pro-socialist beliefs, or support decentralized social and political systems like anarchism. In terms of incidents, the number of fatal incidents attributed to far-left ideologies is fluctuating. The global peak of revolutionary accelerationist leftist violence occurred during the 1960s and 1970s. However, until 2012, there were still four times as many far-left terrorist incidents compared to far-right incidents. In recent years, particularly in 2019 and 2020, the number of far-right and far-left incidents has been roughly equal. As per more recent times, the situation has started to differ between Europe and the United States. In Europe, far-left attacks started again to be more prevalent. German organizations such as the Engel – Guntermann and the Hammerbande have a clear focus on targeting right-wing extremists or individuals perceived as such. However, there is a noticeable shift in their approach, as they are increasingly engaging in activities that extend beyond local conflicts with the right-wing extremist milieu. The collaboration between group members and non-Germans in carrying out attacks suggests a growing connection to external groups. This interconnectedness among left-wing extremist networks in Europe has the potential to influence their strategies and the specific targets they choose.

In the United States, according to the Anti-Defamation League, only 6% of the 443 registered extremist fatalities between 2012 and 2021 were linked to far-left ideologies. In comparison, 75% were linked to far-right beliefs, and 20% were linked to Islamist beliefs. It is important to note that all the casualties related to far-left ideologies in the US were associated with Black nationalism, which the ADL categorizes as left-wing extremism. Overall, the violent threat posed by left-wing extremists in the US remains relatively small whereas in Europe it is increasing. The trend has been confirmed by several authorities. For example, the Terrorism Situation and Trend Report (TE-SAT) report in 2022 that 80% of the successfully executed attacks were carried out by left-wing and anarchist terrorist groups.

Globally, movements affiliated with far-left ideologies include Antifa groups, as well as environmental or animal issue groups like the Earth Liberation Front and the Animal Liberation Front. There are also various far-left alternative media outlets, such as The Grayzone or Breakthrough News, and organizations like the Party for Socialism and Liberation or Workers World Party. These entities may occasionally express sympathy towards authoritarian regimes perceived as hostile to the West and embrace conspiracy theories. While these platforms may not overtly endorse violence, their content and campaigns actively advocate for authoritarian ideologies within mainstream audiences, thereby eroding the credibility of human rights and democracy advocates and promoting polarization. The Grayzone, a far-left media outlet, exemplifies this concerning trend. Established in 2015 by journalist Max Blumenthal shortly after a trip to Moscow, this media platform consistently adopts an ostensibly anti-imperialist stance, frequently defending Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Vladimir Putin, and Venezuela’s Maduro for their purported resistance against US dominance. Furthermore, it denies the occurrence of the Uyghur genocide and chemical gas attacks in Syria. Blumenthal himself has participated in anti-lockdown and anti-vaccine rallies, and currently plays a highly active role in the Pro-Hamas/Pro-Palestinian movement, which poses a significant and alarming new challenge to national security.

1.1. The use of Internet by far-left militant accelerationism
The exploration of the online far-left culture is a topic that is often overlooked. This particular faction, which exists on the fringes of the broader left, positions itself as being against various ideologies and groups such as the alt-right, political correctness, social justice warriors, and centrists and liberal-democratic stances. Despite its ideological roots and the tendency of the left to look down on popular online culture, it employs similar tactics to the online alt-right, including the use of humor, memes, Twitter trolling, and open hostility. However, it remains firmly rooted in progressive leftist ideology. Referred to by various names such as the “alt-left,” the “vulgar left,” or the “Dirtbag Left,” this origin of this movement is attributed to Amber A’Lee Frost, a writer, podcaster, and activist based in Brooklyn. Her podcast Chapo Trap House, associated closely with this movement, employs comedy and irony in a shock jock style, while also criticizing both the Democratic and Republican parties. Other media outlets and individuals connected to the dirtbag left include TrueAnon and Red Scare, which are also loosely associated with the BlueAnon movement, a leftist counterpart to the well-known QAnon phenomenon.

2. Far-right militant accelerationism
Initially, militant accelerationism was not primarily associated with far-right extremism. However, it gradually found its way into this milieu through two significant avenues. Firstly, in the 1990s, British philosopher Nick Land developed a right-leaning libertarian version of accelerationism after studying the works of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari on left-wing accelerationism and incorporating his own interpretation of Marx’s analysis of capitalism. Two decades later, during the early 2010s, Land’s ideas gained traction among the emerging “alt-right” movement, which became deeply interested in his anti-egalitarian and antidemocratic concept of “neo-reaction.” The second and most influ-ential pathway through which accelerationism infiltrated the far-right was the publication of the book Siege, which compiled newsletter posts written by American neo-Nazi James Mason. Mason, a follower of Charles Mason, has been involved in various neo-Nazi organizations in the United States since the late 1960s. He had personal connections with prominent far-right leaders, including George Lincoln Rockwell, the leader of the American Nazi Party, and William Pierce, the author of the novel The Turner Diaries, which inspired the 1995 terrorist attack in Oklahoma City. Mason was also influenced by Joseph Tommasi, the leader of the National Socialist Liberation Front, a group inspired by leftist organizations and urban guerrilla warfare. Tommasi advocated for the creation of chaos through terrorism as a means to destabilize the political order in the United States.

Mason created the newsletter Siege, published from 1980 to 1986, as a platform to express his disapproval of the stance taken by American far-right extremism. Within the pages of his publication, he incorporated elements of antisemitic and racist conspiracy theories, specifically focusing on a “Jewish world conspiracy” that aimed to execute a “white genocide.” This concept, now labeled as the “Great Replacement,” contributed to the development of the “deep state” myth, spawning the bipartisan trope of a “Zionist Occupied Government” in America. In his book, Mason also argued that the prevailing social order had become so deeply corrupted that established organizations like the American Nazi Party, with their conventional methods of political engagement, had become ineffective in their pursuit of liberating the “white race.” According to Mason, progress could only be achieved through revolutionary, violent, means carried out by individuals and the estab-lishment of a National Socialist “New Order” would require the destruction of society. Far-right militant ac-celerationism, as a subtype of apocalyptic terrorism, draws heavily on antisemitic tropes, including concepts like “white genocide” and the “Great Replacement Theory. Moreover, it leverages perceived traditional knowledge and cultural codes to rationalize their anti-modern beliefs and to target individuals they hold responsible for societal decay. Consequently, accelerationism can be viewed as a quasi-religion, as evidenced by its resemblances and intermingling with groups like the Branch Davidians, whose eschatology mirrors similar dynamics.

*Screenshot from a PBS documentary aired on August 7th, 2018*

2.1. The use of Internet by far-right militant accelerationism
In the United States, adherents of far-right ideologies recognized the potential of the internet as early as the 1980s. They understood that online platforms offered an unparalleled opportunity to disseminate their message to a broader audience without the constraints imposed by traditional media. Notably, David Duke, a prominent figure in the US far-right extremist movement and former leader of the Ku Klux Klan, lauded the internet as an ideal platform for a “white revolution.” The advent of online communication played a significant role in the rise of Siege, particularly during the mid-2010s when the “alt-right” gained prominence. This movement embraced militant action strategies, which were further amplified in the aftermath of the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, USA, in August 2017. The events surrounding the rally, including the tragic killing of counter-protestor Heather Heyer, sparked intense debates within the American far-right extremist community. Mason’s critique of demonstrations and his advocacy for militant accelerationism resonated widely within these discussions. Consequently, following the Charlottesville events, the hashtag #ReadSiege gained traction both domestically and within the transnational far-right online discourse.

As today, the risk associated with militant accelerationism is primarily monitored in North America, with only a limited number of European analysts actively keeping tabs on its activities. The globalization of far-right militant accelerationism during the 2010s has given rise to various trajectories, all closely intertwined with digital spaces, which should raise concerns. One prominent platform for far-right militant accelerationism was the English-language Iron March, which operated from 2011 to 2017 and served as a breeding ground for accelerationist groups. This forum attracted a diverse range of militant far-right extremists who felt marginalized by other far-right internet forums like Stormfront, established in 1996, or were dissatisfied with the offerings of existing far-right organizations targeted at the youth. Within the Iron March forum, members cultivated their own subculture of far-right militant accelerationism, characterized by key texts and a distinct aesthetic featuring logos inspired by Waffen SS symbols and black and white skull masks. The administrators of Iron March actively encouraged transnational online communication and facilitated regional and local networking among members beyond the confines of the digital realm. Notably, a far-right extremist terrorist network emerged among the users of Iron March, which remains active to this day. Iron March’s influence extended beyond the development of its far-right extremist subculture, as it placed significant emphasis on taking action. Consequently, several accelerationist groups, including National Action (UK), Feuerkrieg Division (USA), and Antipodean Resistance (2016), were established as offshoots of this forum. It is also important to recognize that Iron March merely marked the beginning of this phenomenon.

3. The manosphere
Despite a general decline in public activities among far-right militant accelerationists during the COVID-19 pandemic, their digital efforts have significantly increased since the spring of 2022. Consequently, the number of prevented attacks has also risen. The primary trends that originated within these tightly knit online communities during the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s remain relevant within the global social network they have evolved into. Notably, new online spaces continuously emerge, often bearing little resemblance to formal, traditional far-right extremist organizations. These decentralized networks, organized in cells, foster sub-cultures defined by their cultural codes, such as memes, and constantly adapt to enhance their relevance in the public sphere. They have now permeated other online realms, including gaming platforms, and rely on the broader internet troll culture. They propagate through the manosphere, a collection of communities centered around radical anti-feminism and the conspiracy theory milieu, where individuals seek “the truth” or embrace the “Red Pill” ideology. These networks thrive in “politically incorrect” boards, forming a transnational subculture that revolves around both ironic and serious far-right extremist, misogynistic, antisemitic, and misanthropic content. Of particular interest is the manosphere, which has attracted the attention of accelerationists due to its rapid growth and potential for real-world violent outbursts.

Despite being referred to as a collective noun, the manosphere encompasses four distinct subcultures: men’s rights activists who view feminist policies as detrimental to men’s rights, incels (involuntary celibates) who hold women responsible for their lack of opportunities and social status, separatists who believe in a feminist conspiracy to dismantle masculinity and advocate for complete segregation between genders, and the seductive type who objectify women and promote the acceptance of rape culture. These emerging subcultures also align themselves with existing digital hate cultures that have already established their presence on various platforms, thereby bolstering their recruitment efforts.

4. When left and right join forces
It is important to acknowledge that accelerationist groups primarily act as opportunists and will seize any opportunity to infiltrate a popular movement. This has been evident in various instances throughout history. For instance, in 2020, the far-right anti-government Boogaloo movement attempted to associate themselves with the Black Lives Matter movement by claiming shared goals. Similarly, in the 2000s, the far-left Black Blocs successfully exploited popular protests against the G8 leaders. During the pandemic, both far-left and far-right groups united against lockdown measures. In these contexts, stochastic violence has also surfaced, manifesting as sporadic acts of aggression, intimidation, or property destruction. While such gatherings ostensibly advocated against vaccination mandates and perceived infringements on personal freedoms, they often attracted individuals with extremist inclinations from both the far-left and far-right ends of the political spectrum. Amidst the commotion of these events, lone actors or small factions have engaged in acts of random (stochastic) violence, ranging from verbal harassment to physical violence, aimed at sowing chaos and instilling fear. Far-right extremists have exploited these rallies to propagate anti-government sentiment and amplify distrust in public health institutions, while far-left had view them as opportunities to challenge corporate interests and in particular Big-Pharma. The unpredictable nature of stochastic violence in this context not only poses immediate safety concerns but also underscores the broader societal polarization and radicalization fueling such events.

In the current political environment, these groups are now aligning themselves with the pro-Palestine movement. The pro-Palestine movement has gained significant support in recent weeks, with numerous protesters taking to the streets worldwide to demand a ceasefire in Gaza. Unfortunately, this surge in support has also created an environment where various groups, including far-left, far-right accelerationists, and antise-mitic organizations, attempt to associate themselves with the mainstream pro-Palestine movement. This has resulted in a confusing web of claims and widespread dissemination of misinformation. One way these groups exploit the pro-Palestine movement is by adopt-ing its language to criticize the actions of the Israeli government in Gaza. However, they then utilize this platform to promote anti-Jewish conspiracy theories and stereotypes. The right-wing factions often reference the “Great Replacement” conspiracy theory, baselessly claiming that Jewish individuals purposefully facilitate migration into Western countries to replace white people. On the other hand, the left-wing factions attack liberal democracies and market-based economies by invoking references to Zionism and colonialism. Across the United States and Europe, far-right and far-left extremists have capitalized on the growing anger towards the Israeli government as an opportunity to spread anti-semitic, anti-democratic, and anti-capitalist conspiracy theories. Their intention is to legitimize these ideas within mainstream discourse and attract new recruits.

5. Main takeaways
Both the far-left and the far-right militant accelerationist groups possess a digital evolutionary advantage due to the transformations in the online media landscape, which have created new avenues for radicalization. These accelerationists have also strategically utilized algorithms to target susceptible individuals for recruitment. Unlike their BBS predecessors in the 1980s and 1990s, which mirrored real-life communities, today’s platforms are characterized by the “attention economy” and “dopamine addiction.” Posts that fail to attract sufficient attention are gradually phased out from the front page to make room for particularly captivating posts, effectively turning extremism into a chemical dependency. Moreover, far-left and far-right violence is increasingly intertwined, creating a classic “security dilemma.” These characteristics further amplify the perilous nature of this phenomenon and should require active monitoring and intervention.

Stochastic violence is a disturbing tactic employed by political extremists, characterized by its unpredictable and random nature. Unlike organized violence with clear targets and objectives, stochastic violence aims to create a pervasive atmosphere of fear and uncertainty by striking seemingly at random. This strategy often involves lone actors or small groups carrying out acts of violence without direct coordination with a larger organization, making it difficult for authorities to anticipate or prevent. The perpetrators may be motivated by extreme ideologies or grievances, using violence as a means to spread terror and advance their agenda. Stochastic violence poses a significant challenge to counterterrorism efforts, as it can be difficult to detect and preemptively address the underlying radicalization that fuels such attacks. Moreover, its unpredictable nature amplifies the psychological impact on communities, fostering fear and distrust while undermining social cohesion. Addressing stochastic violence requires a multifaceted approach that addresses not only the im-mediate security concerns but also the underlying societal factors that contribute to extremism and radicalization.

Militant accelerationism has emerged as a tool for hostile foreign countries like Russia and China to sow chaos and destabilize Western nations from within. These nations may clandestinely support or manipulate extremist groups subscribing to accelerationist doctrines to exacerbate existing social tensions and exploit vulnerabilities in democratic systems. For instance, Russia has been accused of utilizing online platforms to amplify divisive narratives and support far-right accelerationist movements in Europe and the United States, aiming to undermine trust in democratic institutions and foster internal discord. Similarly, China has been implicated in funding and promoting extremist factions to exploit societal fault lines in Western societies, thereby weakening their cohesion and global influence. Such exploitation of militant accelerationism underscores the evolving nature of asymmetric warfare, where non-state actors and fringe ideologies become instruments in the geopolitical strategies of hostile nations. Overall, Russia and China may support militant accelerationist groups in the West as part of a multifaceted strategy to weaken their adversaries, challenge Western values and institutions, and advance their own geopolitical interests on the global stage.
In conclusion, the risk of accelerated terrorism is clear and significant as we head into 2024, and it could even escalate further in the run-up to the US presidential election or the next European elections. Disgruntled individuals and armed extremist groups are likely to continue resorting to violence in order to spark a revolution and prevent what they perceive as the “deep state” from manipulating elections and enslave them. The current clash of conflicting narratives, present in nearly every aspect of political discourse, worsened by partisan divides and amplified on social media, will continue to hinder governments’ efforts to address the threat of domestic terrorism. The current atmosphere is alarmingly reminiscent of the period preceding events like the “years of lead” or the Oklahoma City bombing. Back then, extremist rhetoric urged supposed patriots or revolutionaries, like Timothy McVeigh or Mario Moretti, to protect their fellow citizens from what they saw as a corrupt government backed by a wealthy elite. Today, there are potentially many more individuals like them, and we cannot afford to wait for another series of tragic events before decisive action is taken against this threat.

Andrea Molle, Ph.D., FRAS, Senior Research Fellow, Orange (California, Stati Uniti). Quantitative and computational social scientist. Since 2012, he has been an Assistant Professor of Political Science and an Associate Researcher at the Institute for the Study of Religion, Economics, and Society at Chapman University. From 2006 to 2008, he was a JSPS Fellow in Anthropology at the Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture (Nagoya, Japan).

#ReaCT2024 – Annual Report on Terrorism and Radicalisation in Europe

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Introduction by Claudio Bertolotti, Executive Director, ReaCT Observatory

As the Director of the Observatory on Radicalisation and Counter-Terrorism in Europe (ReaCT), I am both pleased and honored to present, for the fifth consecutive year, our annual research and analysis report on terrorism and radicalisation in Europe. Building on the foundation laid by the previous four editions, #ReaCT2024 – 5th Report on Radicalisation and Terrorism in Europe is the result of the dedication and perseverance of researchers, academics, and professionals who, employing different approaches, methods, and perspectives, contribute to a multidisciplinary effort aimed at defining the origins, causes, strengths, and vulnerabilities of a multifaceted phenomenon that traditional analytical methodologies can no longer adequately encapsulate within merely descriptive and indicative definitions. It is now well-established, as we thoroughly anticipated at the beginning of our research and editorial journey in 2020, that social deviance increasingly overlaps with or is associated with phenomena of radical violence, often characterized by individual participation and imitative behavior with a significant “spectacular” ambition, falling within increasingly compartmentalized ideological or identity spheres.

In line with the trajectory established thus far, the Report presents itself as a unique combination of a scientific journal and a collective volume, with contributions from various authors, researchers, and collaborators who have generously dedicated their time, experience, and knowledge. Without exception, ReaCT’s board and I, express our deepest gratitude for their invaluable field research contributions and their immense intellectual efforts. I would also like to thank the Italian Ministry of Defense for reaffirming their confidence and trust in the Observatory I direct by granting patronage to the Report’s presentation events.

What insights does the ongoing research of the Observatory yield?

Over the past five years, within the broader context of historical and operational evolution, the incidence of jihadist terrorist attacks shows a linear trend, with a noticeable decrease in recent years, returning to pre-ISIS/ Islamic State levels. From 2019 to 2023, 80 attacks (12 in 2023) were recorded in the European Union, the United Kingdom, and Switzerland, both successful and failed, compared to 99 in the previous period from 2014 to 2018 (12 in 2015). Following the major terrorist events in Europe associated with the Islamic State group, and subsequently in probable relation to galvanizing factors following the Taliban’s seizure of power in Afghanistan, and Hamas’ call for war against Israel, 194 actions in the name of jihad were recorded from 2014 to 2023, 70 of which were explicitly claimed by the Islamic State: 237 terrorists participated (including 7 women, 73 of whom died in action), 440 victims were killed, and 2,539 were injured (START InSight database). In 2023, 12 jihadist actions were recorded, a slight decrease compared to the 18 annual attacks in 2022 and 2021, but with a significant increase in “emulative” actions, inspired by previous attacks, bringing the figure to levels similar to those of previous years.

The 2024 Report also delves into the issue of the Islamic State in Khorasan and the potential threat to Europe, with particular attention to jihad returning from the Sahel to North Africa.

Broadening the scope, #ReaCT2024 focuses on the variables of terrorism and the characteristics of anti-system manifestations, highlighting the need to analyze an extremely dynamic phenomenon based on the spaces of action and, on a paradigmatic level, to urgently move towards a shared definition of terrorism. Another topic explored is “lone wolf terrorism,” understood as a multifaceted and fragmented phenomenon, influenced by the role of social networks, collective dynamics, clusters, and online waves and communities, along with the evolution of forms of extremism that are “young, autonomous, and emancipated.”

In this constantly evolving context, the phenomena of radicalization and extremism in digital ecosystems, new technologies, and artificial intelligence, as well as digital hate speech as precursors to extremist violence, are examined. The report also provides a thorough analysis of militant accelerationism, from the far left to the far right, and the intriguing hypothesis of “armed chaos.” On the level of prevention, substantial attention is devoted to the analysis of the Radicalization Awareness Network (RAN), providing a thorough assessment of its successes, limitations, and failures in terms of policies and practices. The focus is placed on the vexed question: will radicals ever fully de-radicalize? Significant space is also allocated to the emergence of new extremisms that carry anti-democratic demands, inviting readers to reflect on the evolution of these phenomena through two specific case studies: the first explores the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism through the contribution of security forces in Portugal; the second addresses the systemic gender discrimination in Afghanistan under the Islamist Taliban government, discussing the phenomenon of gender apartheid. In conclusion, this year’s contribution reaffirms the Observatory’s ambition to bear witness to the strength and dedication of our community of scholars and practitioners in the ongoing fight against the evolving phenomena of violent social deviance, radicalism, and terrorism. As the Director of the Observatory, my hope is that the findings and insights contained in this Report will increasingly contribute to a better understanding of the evolving threat of terrorism in Europe and serve as a call to action for all stakeholders committed to working together to prevent and counter violent extremism. I would like to extend my gratitude to all the Authors who, through their commendable work, have once again contributed to the realization of #ReaCT2024.

A special thanks goes, as always, to START InSight, whose support has enabled the international publication and distribution of our annual report. Lastly, I wish to honor the memory of our friend Marco Cochi, a serious and capable researcher, who was taken from us too soon.

Zizians, the rise of the vegan cult: from philosophy to violence

The Islamic State in Khorasan’s “expansion” towards Europe

MDHM in the Digital Age: The Dual Role of Artificial Intelligence as Both a Threat and a Solution for Democracy.

Conclusions

The new Syria: between the Islamist threat, Israel’s preventive response, and the Turkish ‘buffer zone’.

The Fall of Damascus and the Crumbling of the Iranian Resistance Axis.

Syria. Al-Jolani’s Advance on Damascus: A New Front of Unease for Iran, Russia, and Israel.

Young and emancipated extremism

Jihadist Terrorism in Europe and Mediterranean Dynamics: Historical, Social, and Operational Evolution in an Era of Global Changes

Weaponizing Chaos: Exploring Militant Accelerationism from the Far-Left to the Far-Right

#ReaCT2024 – Annual Report on Terrorism and Radicalisation in Europe

DOWNLOAD #REACT2024 FOR FREE HERE
OR PLACE AN ORDER ON AMAZON FOR A PRINTED COPY

Tweets

We Are Social

Zizians, the rise of the vegan cult: from philosophy to violence

The Islamic State in Khorasan’s “expansion” towards Europe

MDHM in the Digital Age: The Dual Role of Artificial Intelligence as Both a Threat and a Solution for Democracy.

Conclusions

The new Syria: between the Islamist threat, Israel’s preventive response, and the Turkish ‘buffer zone’.

The Fall of Damascus and the Crumbling of the Iranian Resistance Axis.

Syria. Al-Jolani’s Advance on Damascus: A New Front of Unease for Iran, Russia, and Israel.

Young and emancipated extremism

Jihadist Terrorism in Europe and Mediterranean Dynamics: Historical, Social, and Operational Evolution in an Era of Global Changes

Weaponizing Chaos: Exploring Militant Accelerationism from the Far-Left to the Far-Right

#ReaCT2024 – Annual Report on Terrorism and Radicalisation in Europe

DOWNLOAD #REACT2024 FOR FREE HERE OR PLACE AN ORDER ON AMAZON FOR A PRINTED COPY

DOWNLOAD #REACT2024 FOR FREE HERE
OR PLACE AN ORDER ON AMAZON FOR A PRINTED COPY